Mereja Forum

[Abe Abraham]

• The Sudanese Army: A History of Brotherhood Hegemony |
  
  The Sudanese Army and Politics is a book that sheds light on the historical roots of the Sudanese army's entry into politics.
  
  Monday 05/08/2023
  
  
  
  
  
  KHARTOUM - The fundamental problem in the Sudanese crisis is represented in the method of rebuilding the army, which was subjected to ideological politicization, and to the whims of three military regimes described as “dictatorship and coup”, which swung from the far left to the far right, which led the army to the grip of the Muslim Brotherhood, the “National Front.” The Islamic Revolution,” especially in light of its infiltration into its formation and its control over the government, and then the coup of Omar al-Bashir, one of its elements in 1989, which lasted until 2019, and the liquidation of the national elements within it by expulsion, exemption, or execution.
  
  In this book “The Sudanese Army and Politics” by the researcher in military affairs, Brigadier General Essam El-Din Mirghani (one of the founders of the political-military opposition to the regime of the National Islamic Front), the writer sheds light on a period of time that extends for an entire century, beginning with the formation of the “Sudan Defense Force” that was established in The year 1925, then the declaration of the “Sudanese Army” in January 1954, and finally the “Sudanese Armed Forces” to this day.
  
  Mirghani believed that during most of these periods of time, the Sudanese army was at the forefront of the political events that shaped the modern history of Sudan. As a result, Sudan became one of the most dominant and ruling African countries under the shadow of dictatorial military regimes.
  
  The book, which comes in two parts, also covers the roots and expansion of political action within the Sudanese Armed Forces in an attempt to monitor most of the political-military events that carved their lines on the face of Sudan. In the second part, it stops at the experience of the political-military opposition in resisting the totalitarian military regimes in Sudan.
  
  In his book, Mirghani deals with the penetration of the Muslim Brotherhood (the National Islamic Front) into the Sudanese army since 1949, and devotes many of its chapters to the strategy of their penetration of the army and the building of an Islamic military army, and their assault on everything to secure their authority, observing the names of the leaders who were affiliated with the organization from its inception until the takeover. It came to power in 1989 under the leadership of Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir, and after that it betrayed the Sudanese Armed Forces, expelled and exempted its non-affiliated members, and confronted the March 1990 movement, then committed the 1990 massacre by executing many officers and described officers with the blessing of its ruling elements represented by al-Bashir and the new army leaders.
  
  
  
  During most of these eras, the Sudanese army was at the forefront of the political events that shaped the modern history of Sudan
  
  Mirghani traces the birth of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Sudan when the Brotherhood officer, Abu al-Makarim Abdel-Hay, fled to Sudan to escape the July 1952 revolution in Egypt and its pursuit of the movement’s elements. Secrets and the full experience to Sudan, to form the basic structure in the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood movement's dealings with the army and in the method of secret work and planning to reach power for later periods.
  
  He points out that the first serious attempt by the Brotherhood to enter the corridor of power through the Sudanese army was in 1959, when Rashid al-Tahir Bakr, the general observer of the Muslim Brotherhood at the time, was able to create intimate contacts with some army officers working in the eastern command in the city of Gedaref, and opened with them an alliance project to overthrow the rule of Lieutenant General Ibrahim Abboud, and the seizure of power, and this attempt was known as the coup of the ninth of November 1959, or the coup of Lieutenant Colonel Ali Hamid, and it was aborted before execution, and after that a death sentence was imposed on five of the officers and Al-Rashid Al-Taher Bakr was sent to prison, sentenced to five years.
  
  The Muslim Brotherhood movement disavowed responsibility for the November 9, 1959 coup, although it held absentee prayers for the souls of the executed officers and demonstrated during the burial.
  
  Mirghani confirms that the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood has focused all its efforts on building bases for its spread since the fifties among the student movement in primary and secondary schools, to strengthen that spread and strengthen it at the University of Khartoum later.
  
  Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the Sudanese army relied mainly on recruiting military students after they completed secondary school, and recruitment for college decreased from lower educational levels, or from the ranks of officers. There were many officers with Brotherhood tendencies since the study period, and the army command did not notice them at the beginning of their service, and this was evident in their appearance as retired workers who were reabsorbed into the organizations of the Islamic Front after 1985.
  
  He believes that the Muslim Brotherhood understood the failure of their attempt to overthrow the Mayan regime (1969-1977) and the failure of the experience of the armed external opposition, and the necessity of reconciliation with the regime before all other parties constituting the “National Front.” They were the first to send a memorandum from inside Kober prison in 1977, Asking for reconciliation and involvement in the Mayan regime.
  
  This was achieved for them on July 7, 1977, when Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi, head of the opposition National Front, signed the National Reconciliation Agreement in the city of Port Sudan. All their efforts after the reconciliation focused on organizational work, which is the real beginning of serious secret organizational work in the student movement, their only credit until that time, and their secret activity extended to all other sectors, including the armed forces and security services.
  
  The late Brotherhood leader, Hassan al-Turabi, says, “As for after the reconciliation in 1977, a comprehensive organizational renaissance took place, starting with the experiences of the jihad period, and assimilating its fruits in the extensions of social, economic, security, and external work, and so on. This renaissance lasted for years, and it brought about a transformation.”
  
  The Brotherhood movement helped in its organizational launch and spread, the large financial capabilities available to it during the period of external work and the profitable commercial investments made by the organization’s cadres, especially in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf region.
  
  Mirghani points out that al-Turabi developed his strategy to build the organization on four kinetic pillars: proliferation, penetration, occupation, and seizure. The movement moved in four main axes: the economic field, the student movement, media and publishing, and the armed forces and other regular forces.
  
  
  
  The Brotherhood movement succeeded in creating all the conditions conducive to building and spreading the political and military organization of the movement, as its leadership cadres reached decision-making centers.
  
  And he says, “All sources agree that the serious beginning of building an effective military organization for the Muslim Brotherhood movement within the armed forces was after 1980, and that the first military official of the organization who was appointed after that date was Lieutenant Colonel Pilot Mukhtar Muhammadeen, who was killed while he was in the rank of colonel when his plane crashed in the city of Al-Nasser at the top of the Nile at the end of 1988. The sources also agree that the recruitment of Colonel Tayyar Muhammadeen was carried out by Rashid Abdul Rahim, who is one of the Brotherhood cadres working in the field of journalism, and is directly related to Mukhtar Muhammadin. Lieutenant Colonel Mukhtar Muhamadeen started a secret recruitment campaign in the Air Force. Colonel Pilot Mustafa Al-Duwaihi told me that he was on an official mission to Germany in the early eighties, accompanied by Mukhtar Muhamadeen. The latter tried hard to recruit him to the Islamists, but he refused his attempt, sticking to the nationalism of belonging to the armed forces. . Colonel Air Force Engineer Abd al-Rahim Muhammad Hussein was the right-hand man of Mukhtar Muhammadin in the organization, and together we were able to build a good base for the Brotherhood within the Air Force, and this is clearly shown in the number of technical officers participating in the Air Force in the coup of the thirtieth of June 1989.
  
  He reveals that the second man in the organization, who made great efforts in building the secret military organization, and was assigned vital tasks before the coup, is Brigadier General Kamal Ali Mukhtar, a committed cadre in the Brotherhood since his studies at Dongola Secondary School, but withheld that information by showing the absolute nationalism of the forces. armed forces, applying the utmost secrecy and caution in its movements and organizational activities. At the end of the seventies, Mukhtar was sent on loan to the Gulf region to work in the army of the United Arab Emirates. That period was the golden stage for the work of the Brotherhood organization in the Arab Gulf regions and Saudi Arabia, and it was invested intelligently to develop secret organizational work and build economic capabilities. During his work in the Emirates, Mukhtar recruited Many cadres of the organization, and he was assisted directly by Lieutenant Colonel Omar Hassan Al-Bashir, who was also seconded to the UAE army at that time.
  
  Mirghani points out that Omar Hassan al-Bashir was the leader of the National Islamic Front coup and head of the National Salvation Government in 1989, after the dispute and division that broke out within the corridors of the Islamic Front in December 1999 between Hassan al-Turabi and the group led by Ali Othman Muhammad Taha (who had a relationship with al-Bashir since they were together at school). Khartoum Secondary School, which was on the Brotherhood’s list in the school students’ union elections and won its presidency).
  
  Al-Bashir revealed in a press conference held at the headquarters of the National Congress Party - the ruling Islamic Front party - on the evening of the fourteenth of December 1999, the truth of his affiliation, which he had been denying for ten years.
  
  Mirghani says in his book, “Lieutenant General Omar al-Bashir, President of the Sudanese Republic, revealed clearly that he had joined the ranks of the Islamic movement since he was a first-year high school student. He said that the seizure of power on June 30, 1989 was ordered by the leadership of the Islamic Front.
  
  
  
  The Sudanese army is at the forefront of political events
  
  He explains that in the year 1983 the Brotherhood movement succeeded in creating all the conditions conducive to building and spreading the political and military organization of the movement, as the Brotherhood’s leadership cadres reached decision-making centers in the ministries and sovereign agencies of the Mayan regime, and thus they had the opportunity to know all the secrets of the state and obtain the most accurate details and practice in Governance style.
  
  The movement was able to contain the Mayan regime, which was faced with failure in its policies and the escalating internal and external opposition, and pushed it to take shelter behind repressive laws covered in Islam that were formulated by Brotherhood cadres, and were metaphorically called the laws of Islamic Sharia. Imam of the Muslims. The civil service and civil society institutions took a large share of these new policies, so the leaders with a liberal and secular orientation were excluded, and Sudan entered the penultimate stages of the era of decline and a return to the Middle Ages, which will be completed later in the nineties.
  
  And he believes that the share of the Sudanese Armed Forces was greater, and most of it is in favor of the Brotherhood movement, which pursued the supreme military leaders, and publicly flogged the officers, and the walls of the military units were opened to preachers and missionaries from among the Brotherhood’s cadres, and for those like them who are advocates of religious obsession, to give lectures and hold religious courses under the name Preaching, religious guidance, and moral guidance.. It was surprising that a large number of soldiers of the armed forces, of Christian faiths and worshipers of souls from southern Sudan and the Nuba Mountains region, were forced to attend lectures by force.. As for the leaders of the armed forces, who held the guardian of the wise leadership that It was planned by “Imam Al-Numeiri” as she was in a coma.
  
  Mirghani reveals that the biggest achievements of the Muslim Brotherhood came from its tributary, and its committed institution that it controls, called the “African Islamic Center.” It was planned to make the most of it after it chose the branch of moral guidance in the armed forces, which rode the religious wave, so it planned the required courses in guidance. And religious guidance, and prompted the Officers' Affairs Branch to send officers regularly to attend the center's courses. The argument of the Moral Guidance Branch was that the armed forces benefit from the training of these officers in spreading awareness and religious commitment in line with the Islamic orientation of the state. The sessions of the African Islamic Center were an open cell to recruit armed forces officers into the ranks of the Brotherhood movement, and at the very least gain their sympathy and support for its policies.

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[Abe Abraham]

• اسقاط طائرة تابعة للجيش من طرف قوات الدعم السريع

• An army plane was shot down by the Rapid Support Forces (12 hours ago)

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[Abe Abraham]

• Lieutenant General Yasser Al-Atta(ያስር ኣል-ዓጣ): Wagner is fighting in Sudan and we have one of its members dead
  
  
  
  A prominent leader in the Sudanese army, Lieutenant General Yasser Al-Atta, confirmed that the army fully controls all the states of the country, with the exception of some pockets, accusing the "Rapid Support" media of lying to raise the morale of its members. He said that the rebel forces were destroyed in the Battle of the General Command, which he described as "the mother of all battles."
  
  Lieutenant General Al-Atta, a member of the ruling Sovereignty Council, accused the "rapid support" forces and their commander, Hamidti, of treachery against the army. He revealed that the Rapid Support Forces call Hamidati the title of "Prince" and the ruler of Sudan, saying that the irrational ambitions of the Rapid Support leaders led them to this holocaust.
  
  Al-Atta thanked the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United States of America for their mediation to end the fighting in Sudan, but stressed that the goal of the dialogue with regard to the army is to remove the rebel forces from the capital, Khartoum, and confine them to one camp, as a prelude to including the good elements of them into the army, demobilizing the rest, and prosecuting the senior leaders of the “quick support.” .
  
  Al-Atta denied the possibility of the current conflict turning into a civil war, "because the army and its leadership represent all of Sudan's regions and tribes." He confirmed the intervention of the Russian "Wagner" forces in the fighting and gold extraction operations, revealing that Hamidti owns a large stock of gold (53 tons in Russia and 22 tons in another sister country and inside Sudan).
  
  Regarding the role of the head of the United Nations Mission in Sudan, Volker Peretz, Lieutenant-General Al-Atta said that it is a very negative role and it is better to replace him with another neutral envoy. Regarding the possibility of returning to the framework agreement, Al-Atta said that this agreement came to serve the Central Council, exclude others and monopolize power, and pledged to invite the Central Council and other powers to consult to reach an agreement that does not exclude anyone, otherwise a caretaker government will be appointed for two years and invite the United Nations, the African Union and the Arab League To organize general elections in the country from which a new authority emerges. And to the text of the dialogue....
  
  The army controls all states
  
  
  
  * The field situation is still ambiguous, and there are conflicting information. What is the position of the army now, and to what extent do you control the land?
  
  - The army is in full control of all the states, except for some rebel enclaves, which have lost most of their capabilities, and are currently carrying out some criminal acts. Conflicting information is the result of the false media of the rebels, who grew up with illegal money and bribery, so their morals were corrupted and fabrication became their way of living.
  
  As for the capital, all their main bases were handed over and destroyed, so they deployed with their vehicles in the vicinity of the presidential palace, the vicinity of radio and television, and inside residential neighborhoods in citizens’ homes. They also deployed in hospitals, schools, and densely populated neighborhoods. They go out from time to time in desperate attempts to intercept the forces that are combing, or to win the media and raise morale with attempts to attack the leadership and with artillery shelling of some army camps. However, most of their actions are currently focused on looting and vandalizing state institutions and factories, looting banks and stores, and citizens' homes, looting medicines from pharmacies, equipment from hospitals, and seizing new vehicles for citizens.
  
  Q: So, are hit-and-run battles, and it is difficult to achieve victory in a short period of time, as mentioned by some army leaders?
  
  - For the reasons I mentioned, the General Command considered planning to destroy them with new plans that take into account avoiding losses among citizens and avoiding harm to the state's infrastructure, and they are now being implemented in an excellent manner.
  
  The “mother of all battles” was led by Al-Burhan
  
  Q: Are there still battles in the General Command, Khartoum Airport, the palace, and strategic areas?
  
  - They were removed from the General Command and Khartoum Airport, but they are fighting in these areas with artillery from long distances. And the weight of their presence was originally before the ongoing war operations, in the vicinity of these areas, along with our forces. Recently, they summoned large forces from outside Khartoum, estimated at three battalions, located in the airport neighborhood next to the house of the brother president, and in the vicinity of the General Command, three battalions at the headquarters of the Operations Authority, and three battalions at the headquarters of the dissolved National Congress (the ruling party during the era of ousted President Omar al-Bashir ), and the two locations are directly adjacent to the south of the airport. They deployed additional forces directly east of the palace. And all these forces were completely destroyed. They also brought 3 battalions from their headquarters directly facing the General Command. All these forces were destroyed in the battles of the General Command, which we called “the mother of all battles,” and it was personally directed by the Commander-in-Chief (Al-Burhan). There remains the Battle of the Palace in which we besieged them, and they will be completely destroyed.
  
  Q: But some describe the victories of both sides as a mere boost to morale?
  
  - They did not win any battle because they betrayed our forces that were working with them side by side, in one zero hour for their miserable coup. The irrational ambitions of their leadership led them to this holocaust. They used to call Hamidati the title of prince, and they called him “Your Highness Prince Abu Hamdan,” the ruler of Sudan, and they called his brother Abd al-Rahim “the crown prince.”
  
  * Do you expect a near end to the battles?
  
  - God willing, and with the prayers of this good and righteous people and their will and the solidity of our armed forces, very soon the meager play of the Daglo family will end, and the forces of the Mongols and Tatars will be defeated.
  The Saudi American initiative
  
  * There are Saudi-American efforts for a solution in Sudan... What about it?
  
  - I thank the brotherly Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, which has all the appreciation and respect, and also the United States for its interest in our matter. But our goal in the dialogue is only to expel the rebel forces from the capital and to identify one camp for the rest of them to join the armed forces units for those who meet the conditions for military service, and the remaining of them are handed over to the demobilization commission to qualify for public life. It is very important to prosecute the senior leaders of the "rapid support" for the crimes they committed against the country and the citizen. Any dialogue other than these points is a postponement of the war to another time.
  
  Q: Would you respond if there was an international plan to end the war?
  
  No one will impose his plans on us, no matter what.
  
  * People suffer from life interruption due to battles... How can fears of a humanitarian catastrophe be faced?
  
  The biggest humanitarian disaster is the presence of these militias in Sudan. Social life, inheritance, morals, and economic life have been ruined by smuggling, looting, and bribery, as well as political life and the military institution. The disappearance of this epidemic and cancer from the body of the Sudanese nation is the greatest victory for the nation, the glorious revolution of the people, and the blood of the martyrs in Darfur, Khartoum and all states. In any victory for a nation, there must be losses. The actual disaster is the presence of the Dagalo family on the Sudanese map.
  
  Fears of a civil war
  
  Q: Are there fears of the war turning into a civil war, in light of the presence of numerous armies and security breaches, in addition to the fragile economic situation... To what extent do you see that?
  
  - No, these battles will not lead to a civil war because the Sudanese army includes all the tribes of Sudan, and in its leadership are those who hold the rank of lieutenant general: three from Kordofan, three from the east, three from the north, two from Darfur, and one from the central region. . The other thing is that the army does not have a problem with the sons of the Rizeigat, for they are a crown on the head like the rest of the Sudanese tribes, and we do not have a problem in the first place with the youth in the "rapid support", but rather our problem is with the Al Daglo gang and some criminal leaders who threw these youth into a battle to serve their interests personal only. So there will never be a civil war in this direction, God willing.
  
  Q: Are there fears of regional and international parties entering the war?
  
  - We did not ask any sister country to support us in the war because we knew the sensitivity of the issue, but we have a dead sniper from Wagner, and there is information that comes to us, we have not confirmed its authenticity, that there are attempts by sister countries to search for assistance to the rebel militia, and his forces (Hemedti It contains mercenaries from Chad, Niger, Mali and others.
  Wagner militia in Sudan
  
  * The commander of the Russian "Wagner" army offered help... What do you say?
  
  - Thank you... We do not want to help him. We only deal with countries and recognized international, regional and humanitarian organizations. If the state of Russia wants to help, it is welcome.
  
  Q: Is the Wagner army still in Sudan, specifically in Jabal Amer in Darfur, where gold is produced?
  
  - All the world knows their whereabouts. Wherever there are gold mining companies for Hamidti, in Sudan or on the borders with Libya or Central Africa, there are Wagner elements.
  
  Sudanese gold being smuggled
  
  * Do you think that Sudan's gold is being smuggled to abroad, and what is the extent of that?
  
  - Yes, Sudanese gold has been smuggled to abroad for years , and the volume of smuggled production is very large. The information available to me indicates that Hemedti has stocks estimated at 53 tons in Russia and 22 tons in another sister country, and there are other tons less in several countries, and he hides tens of tons in Sudan.
  
  * There are accusations that the army commander is the one who allowed the “rapid support” forces to expand and arm freely and recruit whomever they want, in violation of the army law, until their number reached 100,000?
  
  - They are already in large number, plentiful armament, and a wide expansion within the capital and the states, since the days of the previous regime; Especially in his last days, in order to protect him. The army commander stopped the last recruitment and refused to give them military numbers. Despite this, they recruited more than 36,000 recruits who have now been stopped by the war. Their forces were summoned during the revolution, and after siding they entered schools and government headquarters, so it was necessary to give them other camps until they returned to their original places, but they had the intention of treachery and betrayal, so they refused to return. The army commander always avoided confrontation and tended to integrate them with political pressure. But the politicians allied with them as a result of their lack of experience and temporary tactics, and they did not look to the future and its strategies, as their only concern was to reach the seat of power, and nothing else, no matter what. Thus, with Qadir's ability, the army commander became, in their view, against the revolution, and the leader of the "rapid support" militia was the protector of the revolution and democracy. I personally admit that the Communist Party was right when it called them the soft landing forces. God willing, we will destroy the rebellion, and then we will say in a clear and loud voice that we in the army are with democracy that does not tamper with the national security of the state, and that we are with the revolution and the choice of the great Sudanese people, but let the politicians know that our state is not a game for fun.
  
  * Who finances this huge amount of troops and equipment?
  
  - From the Federal Ministry of Finance, and from deducting the salaries of the forces fighting in Yemen to finance the Daglo companies.
  
  
  
  Hamidti is lying
  
  * “Hemedti” mentioned that he helped the army bring MiG-29 planes from Russia. Is that true?
  
  - The last plane arrived from Russia before 2007. At that time, Hamidti was a non-commissioned officer with an exceptional rank in the Border Guard Forces. He and his brother Abdul Rahim, by their nature, lie and believe their lies.
  
  * What about Haftar... and Ethiopia is at the door?
  
  - We have received conflicting information that Haftar was pressured to provide support to Hamidti. But recently, we learned that he stopped doing that. We sincerely hope for this from a brotherly and dear country. As for Ethiopia, we thank its Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed for his courageous stance that border issues can only be resolved through dialogue. He is a man of morals stemming from a great African civilization, and from the civilization of the Ethiopian peoples. He is saluted and appreciated.
  
  Volcker's role is negative
  
  
  
  Q: Do you think that the role of Volker Peretz was subversive, as some say?
  
  He's not a destroyer. He wants to help, but he fell under the influence of one political trend and not another. So it never will.
  
  What is your assessment of his role?
  
  - His role is very negative, because he falls into a circle of influence that made him walk in one limited direction that will not lead him to solve the problem, and we will not cross his idea to safety. It is better to replace him with another envoy who is neutral and open to all.
  
  Q: The leader of the “Rapid Support Forces” says that his war is not with the army, but with “elements of the former regime within the army”?
  
  So, his war is with himself, because he is the only supporter of the former regime in power. The former regime was the one that created it to protect him, and to be precise, to protect President Al-Bashir, his brothers, and his office manager. Al-Bashir was the one who built his army and built his financial empire for him and brought him into the Shura Council of the National Congress, and he is the only one who was part of the security committee from among the military present now. He knows, and all the army knows, as well as the former regime, its members are present. Let us ask them: Are Al-Burhan, Kabashi, and Yasser Al-Atta members of the former regime’s organization, or is it Hamidti who was within the former regime’s organization?
  
  * To what extent do you think they are permeated in the army?
  
  - As soon as the army aligned itself with the revolution, the prominent members were exempted, and then the group of Lieutenant General Hashem Abdel Muttalib was exempted, and then another group was referred to the pension, most of them are members of the organization, and in the security and police apparatus, but the irony is that more than 305 members of them were absorbed by Hamidti in his forces Officers and advisors. When the Empowerment Removal Committee was formed, it referred a number of elements of the organization in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the judiciary, and some other institutions. Here, too, Hemedti appointed a number of them as consultants in his companies. And if I disagree with the Central Council of “Freedom and Change,” does that mean that I am a COS? (An expression given to the Muslim Brotherhood in Sudan). Then the Communist Party separated from the Central Council of “Freedom and Change” and decided to work in opposition to their government, so are they Kizan? This is a scarecrow that Hamidati uses for sister countries that stand against political Islam, and a scarecrow that Freedom and Change uses to terrorize those who disagree with them. The fact is that we have completely independent armed forces.
  
  Q: Do you expect a return to the framework agreement?
  
  - The framework agreement came to serve the Central Council (for freedom of change) to exclude others, control them, and monopolize power. After the war, God willing, we will invite the Central Council, the Democratic Bloc, the Communist Party, the Socialist and Popular Arab Baath Party, the Unionists and the owners of previous agreements to consult with them. If they agree without exclusion and without tampering with the homeland and its security, then welcome. Otherwise, we will appoint a capable caretaker government for a period of two years, and we will request a joint quartet mission from the United Nations, the African Union, IGAD, and the Arab League to manage and organize general elections in the country.
  
  * You considered the Rapid Support Forces a rebel force, but its leader still holds the status of deputy head of the Sovereignty Council. Do you - perhaps - do not want to sever all ties between you?
  
  - That's a big mistake. We did not withdraw from him the title of Vice President of the Sovereignty Council, because it was not possible for the members of the Sovereignty Council to be in one place for reasons of military operations. However, in the first upcoming meeting, reports will be opened against him on charges of high treason, threatening state security, rebellion against it, murder, looting, terrorizing citizens, destroying state infrastructure, and crimes affecting trust and honor. He will then be removed as a member of the Sovereignty Council and stripped of his military rank, and will be brought to trial upon his arrest.
  
  * Finally, in your estimations, how long will this war last?
  
  - First, heaven and eternity for the martyrs of the crime of treachery and betrayal among the sons of our valiant army and among the civilians of our lofty people, and a speedy recovery for all the wounded. I say to our honorable people: There is little left to destroy the rebel militia, and very little, God willing. And had it not been for fear for our people, I would have told you that only one day remains.

[Abe Abraham]

• قوات فلول الكيزان الانقلابيين في قبضة أشاوس الدعم السريع

• The forces of the remnants of the Kizan coup plotters are in the grip of the Rapid Support Forces - 16/05/2023

[Abe Abraham]

Egypt ....Al-Burhan ...Mohammed Hamdan Daglo

[Abe Abraham]

• The Islamists' coup against Al-Burhan: Abandon a burnt card or a maneuver
  
  KHARTOUM - Islamists and remnants of Omar al-Bashir’s regime in Sudan are sending signals of readiness to abandon the army commander, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, despite the strong relationship between the two parties, amid questions about who is behind these signals. pressures it up.
  
  Sudanese sources revealed to The Arab Weekly that the Islamists’ talk at the present time about a contradiction with Al-Burhan or threatening to get rid of him is fabricated because the relationship between them is old and well-known. .
  
  And broad sectors began to trust a common narrative that Al-Burhan represented a part in the remnants of former President Omar Al-Bashir within the army, and he was fighting their battle, and he intended to carry out a coup that would return them to power, a situation that does not serve his interest.
  
  The Islamic movement, and at the heart of it the Brotherhood, dominated power in Sudan during the rule of Al-Bashir, which extended for three decades, and the Brotherhood established a wide network of financial, commercial and political interests.
  

  
  Othman Mirghani: Al-Burhan is just an officer whose job ends with the end of his job

  The same sources indicated that talking about the signs of an imminent conflict between the Islamists and the remnants of Al-Bashir and Al-Burhan, or that they are seeking to get rid of him as he is too lenient with Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo (Hamidti), the purpose of which is to restore the lost luster and popularity that he obtained at the beginning of the war and they began to retreat after Inability to defeat the Rapid Support Forces.
  
  On the contrary, the data indicating the existence of a disagreement between Al-Burhan and the Islamists in Sudan leads to the fact that the relationship between them is strong and the preparation for bringing military leaders affiliated with them unequivocally to the fore in anticipation of developments that may put him out of power, as his pragmatism in imitating the former president did not help him in obtaining support from Separate parties, and he was unable to unify the military establishment behind him, and its leaders began to drop out of the battle or sided with the Rapid Support Forces.
  
  And when the Sudanese army was forced to overthrow the Al-Bashir regime under the pressure of a massive popular revolution, the Islamists moved away from the political front, and the National Congress Party, led by Al-Bashir, was banned and many of its officials were imprisoned.
  
  Alex de Waal, a researcher on Sudanese affairs at the Rift Valley Institute, said that Sudanese politics is organically linked to the military, and the army chose an “unknown officer” (Al-Burhan) to put him at the head of the country to calm the thoughts of the street and the international community.
  
  Al-Burhan deliberately made many statements against the Islamists and the National Congress Party to suggest that there was no relationship with the previous regime, and to seek to win the confidence of political forces that entered into a partnership with the military component that stipulated the handing over of power to a civilian government.
  
  Othman Mirghani, editor-in-chief of the independent daily Al-Tayyar, who fled Khartoum after the war broke out and settled in Cairo, said, "Islamists are investing in the exceptional circumstances the country is going through to secure a position in the upcoming political settlement."
  
  The return of the Islamists was strongly evident when Al-Burhan sent, on Friday, a letter to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Antonio Guterres, in which he requested the change of his delegate to Sudan, Volker Peretz, and claimed that he had become a “party, not a mediator” in Sudan, and accused him of committing “fraud and misleading” while leading a political process, which encouraged Hemedti on “launching military operations.”
  
  Al-Bashir’s supporters previously expressed their objection to Volcker and demonstrated against him for months and demanded his replacement, as the UN envoy played an important role in signing the framework agreement on the fifth of last December, and he decided to hand over power to a civilian government after signing a comprehensive political agreement (which was supposed to be signed on the first of April) and the exit of the military establishment and its Islamic leaders from the political and economic arenas.
  

  
  Alex de Waal: Al-Burhan has always been forced to negotiate with the military and the old guard before all important decisions

  Othman Mirghani emphasized that Al-Burhan is nothing but “a chess piece in Sudanese politics, as he does not represent a political current, but his role is related to his job as an officer in the armed forces.”
  
  The outbreak of war between the army and the Rapid Support Forces in mid-April led to chaos in Khartoum, and a number of senior officials of the former regime escaped from prisons. Al-Burhan, which aimed to abort a military coup that they were preparing for to return to power.
  
  Alex de Waal, an expert on Sudanese affairs, indicated that Al-Burhan “faces several obstacles.. unlike Hamidti and Al-Bashir before him, he does not have special financial resources to be able to conclude political settlements.. Therefore, he has always been forced to negotiate with the military and with the old guard before all decisions.” the mission".
  
  Amir Babiker, editor-in-chief of the "Mowatinoon" website, which specializes in the affairs of the Horn of Africa, said that General Al-Burhan "created a relationship with the Islamists to achieve his ambition to rule."
  
  He added, despite his attempt to "show his distance from them, but he responded to their pressure for their presence in the security services, and carried out the coup of the twenty-fifth of October 2021."
  
  Al-Burhan carried out a military coup before the set date for handing over power to civilians, which allowed the activities of the committee to dismantle Al-Bashir's regime, combat corruption and his economic empire to be frozen, and a number of military leaders to return to the army, the judiciary and some executive agencies.
  
  A military analyst, who asked not to be identified, said, “The Islamists have a presence in the military institution that they have worked on since they came to power in the 1989 al-Bashir coup. Al-Burhan tried to expel some of them, but he kept others at the same time.”
  Mirghani pointed out that Al-Burhan is “just an officer in the armed forces whose mission ends with the end of his job, which may be achieved immediately after the end of the war.”
  
  Today, General Al-Burhan finds himself alone in the face of Islamists who accuse him of being lenient with the Rapid Support Forces, with whom he had good relations, as he worked as an officer in the Central Darfur military region during the years of the conflict that broke out in the region located in the west of the country in 2003, and at that time Hemedti was the commander of the Janjaweed forces that It was the nucleus for the subsequent formation of the Rapid Support Forces, and it played an effective role in breaking the armed movements there.
  
  
  
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[Abe Abraham]

• Al-Arab Newspaper(London): Army Intelligence is using the Janjaweed to discredit the RSF(ሱዳን ካብ ወያነ ክፍኣተ-ግብሪ ተማሂራ!)
  
  
  Khartoum -
  
  Since the outbreak of the conflict last April, the Rapid Support Forces have been subjected to a systematic smear campaign led by the Sudanese Army Intelligence, which used elements of the Border Guard Forces, formerly known as the Janjaweed militia, and gave them the uniform of the Support Forces to commit acts of violence, looting and theft, affecting civilians, their property, and foreign headquarters in the capital Khartoum.
  
  

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[Abe Abraham]

• Reports.. a possible Egyptian invasion of Sudan to fight "Hemedti"

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[ethiopianunity]

I think the globalists want Egypt to start war with Ethiopia as the war in Eukraine is not yet not ending. The elites want to quickly controle the Nile out of the hand of Ethiopia and no telling what the current Ethiopian government negotiation on Nile issue. The Amara must know that Egypt and globalists want to destroy Amara so they can take Nile and control Ethiopia's ancient history land, in the mean time, we have this weak government instead of uniting Ethiopoia, has frozen every region, especially in Oromiya. Jawa had declared Ethiopia will disintegrate becasue Jawa communicates with Egypt Muslim Brother Hood and the globalists. He works for them

[Abe Abraham]

• Referring to what Al-Burhan said in one of his speeches - standing near his underground hiding place(ኣል-በድሮም) - threatening with using a " deadly force " the cartoonist shows an Islamist attempting to kill Al-Burhan with a " deadly weapon/ሲላሕ ሙሚት '' !!!

[Abe Abraham]

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[Roha]

Thank you Abe for recommending -- al jaysh sudanin wa siyasiyet -- very important armed forces history of Sudan and its politics.
Some of the points the author raised are very scary because the Islamist Jihadis and their other face the Islamic Brotherhood would do anything to grasp and to cling to power. This must be one of the reasons that Issaias Afewerki hated, fought and chased them as skunks.

Here is what appears, how Abdela Jabir, Mustepha Nurhussien and General Omer Tewil may have recruited Col. Ali Hijjai during the gangs futile armed mutiny in Tsetserat in 2013.

He reveals that the second man in the organization, who made great efforts in building the secret military organization, and was assigned vital tasks before the coup, is Brigadier General Kamal Ali Mukhtar, a committed cadre in the Brotherhood since his studies at Dongola Secondary School, but withheld that information by showing the absolute nationalism of the forces. armed forces, applying the utmost secrecy and caution in its movements and organizational activities. At the end of the seventies, Mukhtar was sent on loan to the Gulf region to work in the army of the United Arab Emirates. That period was the golden stage for the work of the Brotherhood organization in the Arab Gulf regions and Saudi Arabia, and it was invested intelligently to develop secret organizational work and build economic capabilities. During his work in the Emirates, Mukhtar recruited Many cadres of the organization, and he was assisted directly by Lieutenant Colonel Omar Hassan Al-Bashir, who was also seconded to the UAE army at that time.

Other important info include the evilness of the Islamists in their mode of operation:

And he believes that the share of the Sudanese Armed Forces was greater, and most of it is in favor of the Brotherhood movement, which pursued the supreme military leaders, and publicly flogged the officers, and the walls of the military units were opened to preachers and missionaries from among the Brotherhood’s cadres, and for those like them who are advocates of religious obsession, to give lectures and hold religious courses under the name Preaching, religious guidance, and moral guidance.. It was surprising that a large number of soldiers of the armed forces, of Christian faiths and worshipers of souls from southern Sudan and the Nuba Mountains region, were forced to attend lectures by force.. As for the leaders of the armed forces, who held the guardian of the wise leadership that It was planned by “Imam Al-Numeiri” as she was in a coma.

Mirghani reveals that the biggest achievements of the Muslim Brotherhood came from its tributary, and its committed institution that it controls, called the “African Islamic Center.” It was planned to make the most of it after it chose the branch of moral guidance in the armed forces, which rode the religious wave, so it planned the required courses in guidance. And religious guidance, and prompted the Officers' Affairs Branch to send officers regularly to attend the center's courses.

• The Sudanese Army: A History of Brotherhood Hegemony |
  
  The Sudanese Army and Politics is a book that sheds light on the historical roots of the Sudanese army's entry into politics.
  
  Monday 05/08/2023
  
  
  
  
  
  KHARTOUM - The fundamental problem in the Sudanese crisis is represented in the method of rebuilding the army, which was subjected to ideological politicization, and to the whims of three military regimes described as “dictatorship and coup”, which swung from the far left to the far right, which led the army to the grip of the Muslim Brotherhood, the “National Front.” The Islamic Revolution,” especially in light of its infiltration into its formation and its control over the government, and then the coup of Omar al-Bashir, one of its elements in 1989, which lasted until 2019, and the liquidation of the national elements within it by expulsion, exemption, or execution.
  
  In this book “The Sudanese Army and Politics” by the researcher in military affairs, Brigadier General Essam El-Din Mirghani (one of the founders of the political-military opposition to the regime of the National Islamic Front), the writer sheds light on a period of time that extends for an entire century, beginning with the formation of the “Sudan Defense Force” that was established in The year 1925, then the declaration of the “Sudanese Army” in January 1954, and finally the “Sudanese Armed Forces” to this day.
  
  Mirghani believed that during most of these periods of time, the Sudanese army was at the forefront of the political events that shaped the modern history of Sudan. As a result, Sudan became one of the most dominant and ruling African countries under the shadow of dictatorial military regimes.
  
  The book, which comes in two parts, also covers the roots and expansion of political action within the Sudanese Armed Forces in an attempt to monitor most of the political-military events that carved their lines on the face of Sudan. In the second part, it stops at the experience of the political-military opposition in resisting the totalitarian military regimes in Sudan.
  
  In his book, Mirghani deals with the penetration of the Muslim Brotherhood (the National Islamic Front) into the Sudanese army since 1949, and devotes many of its chapters to the strategy of their penetration of the army and the building of an Islamic military army, and their assault on everything to secure their authority, observing the names of the leaders who were affiliated with the organization from its inception until the takeover. It came to power in 1989 under the leadership of Omar Hassan Ahmed al-Bashir, and after that it betrayed the Sudanese Armed Forces, expelled and exempted its non-affiliated members, and confronted the March 1990 movement, then committed the 1990 massacre by executing many officers and described officers with the blessing of its ruling elements represented by al-Bashir and the new army leaders.
  
  
  
  During most of these eras, the Sudanese army was at the forefront of the political events that shaped the modern history of Sudan
  
  Mirghani traces the birth of the Muslim Brotherhood movement in Sudan when the Brotherhood officer, Abu al-Makarim Abdel-Hay, fled to Sudan to escape the July 1952 revolution in Egypt and its pursuit of the movement’s elements. Secrets and the full experience to Sudan, to form the basic structure in the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood movement's dealings with the army and in the method of secret work and planning to reach power for later periods.
  
  He points out that the first serious attempt by the Brotherhood to enter the corridor of power through the Sudanese army was in 1959, when Rashid al-Tahir Bakr, the general observer of the Muslim Brotherhood at the time, was able to create intimate contacts with some army officers working in the eastern command in the city of Gedaref, and opened with them an alliance project to overthrow the rule of Lieutenant General Ibrahim Abboud, and the seizure of power, and this attempt was known as the coup of the ninth of November 1959, or the coup of Lieutenant Colonel Ali Hamid, and it was aborted before execution, and after that a death sentence was imposed on five of the officers and Al-Rashid Al-Taher Bakr was sent to prison, sentenced to five years.
  
  The Muslim Brotherhood movement disavowed responsibility for the November 9, 1959 coup, although it held absentee prayers for the souls of the executed officers and demonstrated during the burial.
  
  Mirghani confirms that the Sudanese Muslim Brotherhood has focused all its efforts on building bases for its spread since the fifties among the student movement in primary and secondary schools, to strengthen that spread and strengthen it at the University of Khartoum later.
  
  Throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the Sudanese army relied mainly on recruiting military students after they completed secondary school, and recruitment for college decreased from lower educational levels, or from the ranks of officers. There were many officers with Brotherhood tendencies since the study period, and the army command did not notice them at the beginning of their service, and this was evident in their appearance as retired workers who were reabsorbed into the organizations of the Islamic Front after 1985.
  
  He believes that the Muslim Brotherhood understood the failure of their attempt to overthrow the Mayan regime (1969-1977) and the failure of the experience of the armed external opposition, and the necessity of reconciliation with the regime before all other parties constituting the “National Front.” They were the first to send a memorandum from inside Kober prison in 1977, Asking for reconciliation and involvement in the Mayan regime.
  
  This was achieved for them on July 7, 1977, when Al-Sadiq Al-Mahdi, head of the opposition National Front, signed the National Reconciliation Agreement in the city of Port Sudan. All their efforts after the reconciliation focused on organizational work, which is the real beginning of serious secret organizational work in the student movement, their only credit until that time, and their secret activity extended to all other sectors, including the armed forces and security services.
  
  The late Brotherhood leader, Hassan al-Turabi, says, “As for after the reconciliation in 1977, a comprehensive organizational renaissance took place, starting with the experiences of the jihad period, and assimilating its fruits in the extensions of social, economic, security, and external work, and so on. This renaissance lasted for years, and it brought about a transformation.”
  
  The Brotherhood movement helped in its organizational launch and spread, the large financial capabilities available to it during the period of external work and the profitable commercial investments made by the organization’s cadres, especially in Saudi Arabia and the Gulf region.
  
  Mirghani points out that al-Turabi developed his strategy to build the organization on four kinetic pillars: proliferation, penetration, occupation, and seizure. The movement moved in four main axes: the economic field, the student movement, media and publishing, and the armed forces and other regular forces.
  
  
  
  The Brotherhood movement succeeded in creating all the conditions conducive to building and spreading the political and military organization of the movement, as its leadership cadres reached decision-making centers.
  
  And he says, “All sources agree that the serious beginning of building an effective military organization for the Muslim Brotherhood movement within the armed forces was after 1980, and that the first military official of the organization who was appointed after that date was Lieutenant Colonel Pilot Mukhtar Muhammadeen, who was killed while he was in the rank of colonel when his plane crashed in the city of Al-Nasser at the top of the Nile at the end of 1988. The sources also agree that the recruitment of Colonel Tayyar Muhammadeen was carried out by Rashid Abdul Rahim, who is one of the Brotherhood cadres working in the field of journalism, and is directly related to Mukhtar Muhammadin. Lieutenant Colonel Mukhtar Muhamadeen started a secret recruitment campaign in the Air Force. Colonel Pilot Mustafa Al-Duwaihi told me that he was on an official mission to Germany in the early eighties, accompanied by Mukhtar Muhamadeen. The latter tried hard to recruit him to the Islamists, but he refused his attempt, sticking to the nationalism of belonging to the armed forces. . Colonel Air Force Engineer Abd al-Rahim Muhammad Hussein was the right-hand man of Mukhtar Muhammadin in the organization, and together we were able to build a good base for the Brotherhood within the Air Force, and this is clearly shown in the number of technical officers participating in the Air Force in the coup of the thirtieth of June 1989.
  
  He reveals that the second man in the organization, who made great efforts in building the secret military organization, and was assigned vital tasks before the coup, is Brigadier General Kamal Ali Mukhtar, a committed cadre in the Brotherhood since his studies at Dongola Secondary School, but withheld that information by showing the absolute nationalism of the forces. armed forces, applying the utmost secrecy and caution in its movements and organizational activities. At the end of the seventies, Mukhtar was sent on loan to the Gulf region to work in the army of the United Arab Emirates. That period was the golden stage for the work of the Brotherhood organization in the Arab Gulf regions and Saudi Arabia, and it was invested intelligently to develop secret organizational work and build economic capabilities. During his work in the Emirates, Mukhtar recruited Many cadres of the organization, and he was assisted directly by Lieutenant Colonel Omar Hassan Al-Bashir, who was also seconded to the UAE army at that time.
  
  Mirghani points out that Omar Hassan al-Bashir was the leader of the National Islamic Front coup and head of the National Salvation Government in 1989, after the dispute and division that broke out within the corridors of the Islamic Front in December 1999 between Hassan al-Turabi and the group led by Ali Othman Muhammad Taha (who had a relationship with al-Bashir since they were together at school). Khartoum Secondary School, which was on the Brotherhood’s list in the school students’ union elections and won its presidency).
  
  Al-Bashir revealed in a press conference held at the headquarters of the National Congress Party - the ruling Islamic Front party - on the evening of the fourteenth of December 1999, the truth of his affiliation, which he had been denying for ten years.
  
  Mirghani says in his book, “Lieutenant General Omar al-Bashir, President of the Sudanese Republic, revealed clearly that he had joined the ranks of the Islamic movement since he was a first-year high school student. He said that the seizure of power on June 30, 1989 was ordered by the leadership of the Islamic Front.
  
  
  
  The Sudanese army is at the forefront of political events
  
  He explains that in the year 1983 the Brotherhood movement succeeded in creating all the conditions conducive to building and spreading the political and military organization of the movement, as the Brotherhood’s leadership cadres reached decision-making centers in the ministries and sovereign agencies of the Mayan regime, and thus they had the opportunity to know all the secrets of the state and obtain the most accurate details and practice in Governance style.
  
  The movement was able to contain the Mayan regime, which was faced with failure in its policies and the escalating internal and external opposition, and pushed it to take shelter behind repressive laws covered in Islam that were formulated by Brotherhood cadres, and were metaphorically called the laws of Islamic Sharia. Imam of the Muslims. The civil service and civil society institutions took a large share of these new policies, so the leaders with a liberal and secular orientation were excluded, and Sudan entered the penultimate stages of the era of decline and a return to the Middle Ages, which will be completed later in the nineties.
  
  And he believes that the share of the Sudanese Armed Forces was greater, and most of it is in favor of the Brotherhood movement, which pursued the supreme military leaders, and publicly flogged the officers, and the walls of the military units were opened to preachers and missionaries from among the Brotherhood’s cadres, and for those like them who are advocates of religious obsession, to give lectures and hold religious courses under the name Preaching, religious guidance, and moral guidance.. It was surprising that a large number of soldiers of the armed forces, of Christian faiths and worshipers of souls from southern Sudan and the Nuba Mountains region, were forced to attend lectures by force.. As for the leaders of the armed forces, who held the guardian of the wise leadership that It was planned by “Imam Al-Numeiri” as she was in a coma.
  
  Mirghani reveals that the biggest achievements of the Muslim Brotherhood came from its tributary, and its committed institution that it controls, called the “African Islamic Center.” It was planned to make the most of it after it chose the branch of moral guidance in the armed forces, which rode the religious wave, so it planned the required courses in guidance. And religious guidance, and prompted the Officers' Affairs Branch to send officers regularly to attend the center's courses. The argument of the Moral Guidance Branch was that the armed forces benefit from the training of these officers in spreading awareness and religious commitment in line with the Islamic orientation of the state. The sessions of the African Islamic Center were an open cell to recruit armed forces officers into the ranks of the Brotherhood movement, and at the very least gain their sympathy and support for its policies.

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[Abe Abraham]

A certain Sudanese reacting to a deceptive message of ሂሻም ኣሕመድ ሸምሰዲን on youtube ፥

@bahradinabdurhman1081: You are the biggest sentimentalist. The Sudanese army, since its inception and today, has been killing the marginalized in all directions, south, east and west following the orders of its leaders .The North was spared because the north leads the army. And military coups and the spawning of militias since 1955, and therefore the Sudanese army is a northern, racist, regional militia, and therefore let the Sudanese army go and build a new army like Rwanda, Ethiopia, China and the Russians.

[Abe Abraham]

• US/Saudi mediators propose new humanitarian ceasefire in Sudan

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[Abe Abraham]

• Kabashi and Al-Burhan in their underground shelter.

Kabashi : It is said that the Janjaweed have planted millet in the gardens of the presidential palace ....Hunger is killing us ...why don't you venture out to bring us some from it.

Al-Burhan : Why would I go out ! Why don't you do that yourself ....I have already gone out twice.





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[Abe Abraham]

1_" The military to the barracks .... and the janjaweed -- gets dissolved !!
2_...........
3_ Stand up and protect your country !!

[Abe Abraham]

• كتيبة البراء الإسلامية تشارك إلى جانب الجيش

• Al-Bara Islamic Brigade participates (in the war ) alongside the army

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[Abe Abraham]

• Rapid Support Forces seize caches and secret stores of missiles and anti-aircraft and ......

Please wait, video is loading...

[Abe Abraham]

unfortunately he (The Sudanese Army) is once again made pregnant by the same man ("Islamist" terrorist).

[Abe Abraham]

The UN mission in Sudan calls on all parties to stop military operations immediately.




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