Mereja Forum

[Abe Abraham]

• War Without Deterrence: Planes, Artillery, and Terrorists in Khartoum
  Information about releasing terrorists and arming them to confront the Rapid Support Forces
  Tue 04/18/2023

  
  Wide field deployment of the Rapid Support Forces

  
  KHARTOUM - The conflict in Sudan between the army and the Rapid Support Forces has become open to multiple possibilities, and the war has entered a stage in which there are no moral or military deterrents. Planes appeared in the sky of Khartoum, and reports indicated that extremist Islamists were released from some prisons and armed to confront the Rapid Support Forces.
  
  Activists monitored inside some neighborhoods in the triangle capital, Khartoum, Omdurman and Khartoum North, the presence of trained snipers on the roofs of tall buildings.
  
  In some neighborhoods, the resistance committees were able to arrest snipers who made confessions through which they revealed their affiliation with the dissolved Military Operations Authority (affiliated with the army).
  
  One of the snipers said that the plan aims to stir up public opinion and create a kind of chaos in the neighborhoods by targeting civilians, then using people as human shields to protect the army soldiers from chasing the Rapid Support Forces that control the entrances and exits of the three cities, and are stationed in the strategic locations of the capital, Khartoum.
  
  

  
  Munir Adeeb: An adventure that makes the vast lands of Sudan a hotbed for the movement of terrorists

  
  This development indicates that the army's options have become limited after it failed to gain the support of public opinion, political parties, civil society, and regional and international powers.
  
  The aim of the sniping operations among civilians was to provoke citizens and mobilize them against the Rapid Support Forces, but the capture of a number of snipers revealed this scenario.
  
  The commander of the Rapid Support Forces, Lieutenant General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hamedti), called on Monday for the international community to act now and intervene against the “crimes” of the head of the Sovereignty Council, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, describing him as an “extremist Islamist who bombs civilians from the air.”
  
  He explained that Al-Burhan's army "is waging a brutal campaign against the innocent, bombing them with MiG planes," which is an indication that the war of planes in which the army is superior to the Rapid Support Forces has entered the field, in an attempt to resolve the battles early before the international community intervenes directly through the Security Council.
  
  The mediation delegations from the African Union and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development in East Africa (IGAD) began to carry out their work from Khartoum after the fighting intensified.
  
  “We are fighting against the Islamic radicals who want to keep Sudan isolated in the dark and away from democracy,” Hemedti said, vowing to “continue to pursue Al-Burhan and bring him to justice.”
  
  On Monday, information was circulated about the release of terrorists belonging to al-Qaeda and ISIS by the Sudanese authorities, with the aim of confronting members of the Rapid Support Forces.
  
  This step represents a shift in the course of the position on Al-Burhan, as it affirms his loyalty to the Islamists, and puts Sudan on the crater of the extremists’ volcano and includes it in an African belt full of extremists, extending from Somalia to Mali, Libya and Chad, passing through Central Africa and Nigeria.
  
  
  

  ◙ The UN Mission in Sudan expressed deep disappointment that the cessation of hostilities for humanitarian purposes pledged by the army and the Rapid Support Forces was only partially fulfilled on Sunday.
  
  This information opens the door to repeating the scenario of using terrorists in internal battles, as happened in Iraq, Syria and Libya, which leads to major external interventions.

  
  Mounir Adeeb, an expert on Islamist groups, said, “Violence and extremism groups are one of the main causes of the current conflict, and the matter is due to the presence of a number of Brotherhood followers within the army who contributed to igniting the crisis, and now they are moving to make the problem more complicated.”
  
  He added to The Arab Weekly that “these groups may use this crisis to strengthen their strength, realizing that they will only be able to live in the shadow of chaos, and in this case Sudan may turn into a place for training in carrying out armed operations, whose impact will extend outside the country.”
  
  He explained that the stability of the situation in Sudan is something that does not ultimately serve the extremist organizations, and contributes greatly to their elimination, so the use of them now aims to prolong the battles to turn Sudan into another Somalia or Afghanistan.
  
  In his statement to The Arab Weekly, Munir Adeeb did not rule out the possibility that the vast territory of Sudan could become a hotbed for the movement of terrorists to and from Sudan, and that the security services would be unable to monitor the borders, and then their movements would become relatively easy, which constitutes a direct threat to neighboring countries.
  
  It is known that Sudan, since the era of former President Omar al-Bashir, has been a focal point for extremist organizations to meet with the Brotherhood, and a haven for many figures on terrorist lists in Egypt and elsewhere.
  
  

  
  Adam Wali: The followers of the Islamic movement sympathize with the army commander and support him

  Adam Wali, a leader in the Sudan Liberation Army Movement - Minni Arko Minawi, indicated that the war has already begun and the mutual accusations escalated from both sides to hold the other side responsible for what is happening on the ground.
  
  He pointed out in a statement to The Arab Weekly that “there are young people from the Islamic movement and those affiliated with the defunct regime who sympathize with and support the army commander, but these cannot be called terrorists, because they aim to preserve the interests of the former Bashir regime.”
  
  He continued, "The elements of the Islamic movement believe that there are ambitions for the Rapid Support Forces, which makes them a main party in the equation as soon as they are fully involved in the clashes, and it is not excluded that they have influential hidden roles, because the outbreak of the armed conflict was expected for a while and everyone was waiting for the moment that would take place." The first shot was fired.”
  
  He expected the clashes to escalate in the coming period, because the army could not resolve the battle. The same applies to the Rapid Support Forces, which are trying to obtain the largest amount of gains, and realize that losing this war means its end in theory.
  
  On its third day, armed clashes intensified between the army and the Rapid Support Forces in several cities, foremost among which was Khartoum. Air raids increased and tanks entered the streets, amid a fierce struggle to control the airports of Khartoum and Meroe.
  
  The sounds of aerial bombardment and ground artillery were heard in several areas in Khartoum on Monday, where the headquarters of the army's general command is located, and around the presidential palace and the international airport.
  
  The leadership of the Rapid Support Forces announced that it had recorded sweeping victories against the army, and that it had taken “complete control” of the Republican Palace and its surroundings in the capital, Khartoum.
  
  And it said in a statement on Monday that it was “on its way to resolving the people’s battle,” while the army spoke of “moving to the final stage,” which is “chasing the enemy whose elements are fleeing, leaving behind weapons, equipment, and the wounded.”
  
  The UN mission in Sudan expressed its deep disappointment that the cessation of hostilities for humanitarian purposes pledged by the army and the Rapid Support Forces was only partially fulfilled on Sunday.
  

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[Abe Abraham]

• Extension of Egypt's national security
  
  Sudan constitutes a vital extension of Egypt's national security, and the length of the border between Egypt and Sudan is 1,276 km, which is the longest land border for Egypt, as well as being the most densely populated compared to the rest of the border areas, according to the Malcolm Kerr-Carnegie Middle East Center.
  
  The Sisi regime is counting on the head of the Sovereign Council in Sudan to adopt a unified position on the issue of the Renaissance Dam, as Ethiopia is building a large dam on the Nile River that threatens the two downstream countries (Egypt and Sudan) with the seizure of large quantities of Nile water; Consequently, their historical shares in the water decreased.
  
  Egyptian distrust of Hamidti
  
  On the Sudanese side, Dr. Yasser Mahjoub Al-Hussein, an expert in Sudanese affairs, writer and political analyst, says: "Egypt has always been suspicious of the Rapid Support militia, especially after the fall of President Omar al-Bashir's regime. These forces are unprofessional, chaotic and regional, controlled by a family from a particular tribe. With these characteristics, it represents a threat to security and stability in Sudan if it is able to control the joints of power, and therefore it represents a threat to the security and stability of Egypt, given the well-known saying that Sudan is a strategic depth for Egypt, and therefore the Sudanese army's control over all the situation in the country is a source of relief for official Egypt.
  
  He added to “Arabi 21”: “It seems that the current Sudanese crisis, represented by the dangerous escalation between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support militia, is nothing but the tip of an iceberg whose base is regional tension over the background of the Renaissance Dam crisis. Ethiopian interests, the commander of the Sudanese army, General Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, finds in closer military relations with Egypt a check on the Rapid Support Forces' threats to change the geopolitical composition of the Sudanese state.
  
  What confirms the Egyptian apprehension of the Rapid Support militia, according to Al-Hussein, is the special relations between the RSF commander and Ethiopia, not only because of the huge investments granted to him by Addis Ababa to explore for gold in the Ethiopian region of Bahir Dar, but also those visits and mutual political movements over the past years. Last December, Hamidti sought to announce a settlement agreement between Sudan and Ethiopia without Egypt on the issues of the controversial Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam and the dispute between Egypt and Ethiopia in particular, while the official Sudanese position is the need to reach a binding tripartite technical agreement on the management and operation of the Ethiopian dam.
  
  He concluded his speech by saying: "Later, and in an attempt to remedy the controversy raised by that agreement, Hamidti issued a statement in which he said that "reaching an agreement regarding the Renaissance Dam should guarantee the rights of Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia in the shares of the Nile River." Likewise, Hamidti's condition to settle the dispute with the army was accepted. The explosion of the situation was allowing his forces to complete the establishment of their own air base near the Sudanese-Egyptian-Libyan border triangle, and that Egypt considers a threat to its security.
  

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[Abe Abraham]

• • It is a proxy war in Sudan
    
    Sudan and its people are victims of its modern political history, in which the interests of states intervened in its construction and decided to take care of their interests in that country in absolute secrecy, and the dispute over power is an issue that can be remedied without entering into a war.
    
    Tue 04/18/2023
    

    
    Sudan has not emerged from the bottleneck

    
    
    A country with two armies is definitely a country with two heads. As for it being said that one of them is patriotic, that is something that is difficult to ascertain.
    
    But there is no national necessity that necessitates the creation of two armies, one spying on the other, in order not to defeat it.
    
    Defending the country's borders, which is the main task of the army, will be absent from both sides, each of which builds its existence at the expense of the other.
    
    The existence of two armies calls for the existence of two nations, two peoples, two destinies, two futures, two lands, two weapons, and two leaders.
    
    With two armies on one land, the idea of war is not excluded. Wars are the profession of armies, and if there is talk about reconstruction, it is mentioned as an exception, not the rule.
    

    ◙ With the war waged by the Sudanese army, the major countries put their interests above the fate of the peoples. And no internal political fact can be a guide to reach the essence of the meaning of the Sudanese crisis

    Sudan has not come out of the bottleneck and will not be able to do so for many reasons, foremost of which is the presence of two armies.
    
    It was expected, and even natural, that the two armies would engage in a war that would destroy the hope of Sudan's liberation from its closed era.
    
    The story is historical. Jaafar al-Numeiri left behind a crippled state, and the Brotherhood that embraced it at its ends surrounded it with its wolves that longed to devour the prey.
    
    There is a confusion of cards that the people, in the majority of them, could not decipher its secrets and seize its keys. As for when Hassan al-Bashir jumped to power, his guide, Hassan al-Turabi, was present in order to lay the foundations of a Brotherhood state that did not back down even after al-Turabi was deposed by his exile to Doha.
    
    Under the Brotherhood state, the militias, an army that lacked nothing, committed the most heinous massacres against the people of Darfur. What is the use of Al-Bashir being tried in the International Criminal Court while the militias that committed his crimes are still operating on the ground?
    
    Was Bashir the head of the snake? I doubt it. The issue was not invented by Al-Bashir, even if he adopted it. The issue transcends him and transcends his time, and it returns to a position hostile to the existence of a strong state capable of managing the affairs of its citizens with independent will, without there being fear of an army that could turn against it at any moment.
    
    The military promised the civilians a partnership, but they were fighting among themselves. This means that Sudan, regardless of its promises, will remain unable to set its watch. Either the Sudanese will lie in wait for relief that will come to him from the unseen, or he will explode to make a suicidal scene.
    
    Whoever believes that a war between the two armies of Sudan could break out without the interests of major powers, does not know what Sudan is. The majority of Sudanese may not be aware of the fact that their country is rich in precious minerals, which major countries are salivating to .
    

    ◙ The story is historical. Jaafar al-Numeiri left behind a crippled state, and the Brotherhood that embraced him at its ends surrounded it with its wolves that longed to devour the prey.

    Do the two armies play the role of a guard that defends the interests of different powers, thus confirming that the civil war in its traditional sense has been excluded in favor of a proxy war?
    
    Sudan and its people are the victims of its modern political history, which was built by the interests of countries that decided to take care of their interests in that country in absolute secrecy. The dispute over power is an issue that can be remedied without entering into a war that complicates the political scene. It is certain that no one will win the war. But someone will impose his conditions. And he certainly wouldn't be Sudanese. The two armies are tools of colonization of a different kind. It is the colonization of interests. However, there is a gap in the lives of the Sudanese that prevents them from seeing the truth, which is the Brotherhood gap.
    
    The Brotherhood stands between the Sudanese and the vision of the truth, because they benefit from a conflict that weakens the political forces surrounding them and keeps them strong. The Brotherhood dreams of seizing power to negotiate with major powers to manage their interests in Sudan.
    
    Some laugh at themselves when they imagine that the conflict between the two armies of Sudan is part of the struggle for power. Hemeti and Burhan have moved from participation to armed conflict. It didn't happen by accident. A series of complex relationships behind that conflict is unrelated to a power struggle that could be a false slogan. Authority is an issue that was settled between them years ago, as is well known.
    
    With the war waged by the Sudanese army, the major powers place their interests above the fate of the peoples. And no internal political fact can be a guide to reach the essence of the meaning of the Sudanese crisis. The crisis of the Sudanese is that they have become guards on their land for the interests of the major countries, and they are fighting in defense of those interests.

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[Abe Abraham]

ነዛ ጽብቕቲ ሱዳናዊት ሓኪም ካብ ስርሓ ምልስ ምስ በለት ኣብ ገዛ እንከላ ብራርያ ጥይት መስኮት ሰንጢቓ ቀቲላታ ። ምስኣ ዝተሃርመት ወላዲታ ኣብ ሕክምና ትርከብ ።

ኣባትዋ ሲናገሩ " በስራ ነበረችና ወንድምዋ ሄዶ ከዝያ በመኪና ካመጣት ደስ ብሎዋት እያለ እኔ ረመዳን ስላልጾምኩ ቡና ልታዘጋጅልኝ ወደ ወጥ ቤቱ ገብታ የመስኮቱ መጋረጃ በከፈተች ቁጥር በዛ ሰንጥቆ የገባ ጥይት እናትዋን መታ ። ከዚያም እስዋም በበራሪ ጥይት በልብዋ በኩል ተመትታ ሞተች ። ...ልጆቼ ሁለት ወንዶች ኣንዱ መሃንድስ ሶስተኛዋ ደሞ የሞተችው ዶክተር ነበረች ። ሚስቴ ኣሁን በሆስፒታል ትገኛለች ። "

[Abe Abraham]

Veteran diplomat ሙስጣፋ ኣል-ፊኢ ፥ What is happening in the Sudan is self-destruction, an attack of cancerous cells (on the body), civil war on military level ...both forces with military training and experience ....there is a foreign scheme to internationalise the whole internal issue ...(if you think of mediation ) the role of the traditional political parties like Al-Umma of the late Al-sadiq Al-Mahdi is not there and the young generation have been taught to see Egypt as an enemy .....that is our problem with the Sudan (it is not easy to help even if you wish to do so) ...

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[Abe Abraham]

Jabal Awliya Airport

The airport hosts Sudanese Air Force along with Sudanese Army and police.

The airport hosts three helicopter squadrons (Mil Mi-8, Mil Mi-17, Mil Mi-24, Mil Mi-35) from the base.There is a short runway but only used as helipad with markings found midway.

RSF/የሕሜድቲ ፈጥኖ ደራሽ in Jabal Awliya Airport

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[Abe Abraham]

• قوات الدعم السريع تدمر دبابة بصاروخ السهم

RSF in Action! (19-04-23 at 11:40 a.m. in Khartoum)

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[Abe Abraham]

• عااجل الخرطوم الأن شاهد بالفيديو قوات الدعم السريع داخل الاذاعة والتليفزيون القومي

RSF

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[Abe Abraham]

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ዓምር ሙሳ ፥

I expect a dynamic policy on our part and active tours of Egyptian diplomacy at its various levels, public and secret, in the Arab and African fields, which will reserve a major position for Egypt in the course of affairs and eliminate attempts to exclude it from the current contacts.
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Some Arab interests may conflict with the deeper Egyptian interests in Sudan, as is the case in Africa. Here, Egypt is expected to stand frankly and boldly, as our vital interests in that entire region have become threatened and at stake. The possibility of Ethiopia exploiting the situation exacerbates the problem of the dam for us
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Egypt's role in sparing Sudan the consequences of the current events must be basic and explicit. Frankness is important with our brothers and with others who have always been active in the issue of Sudan, or in particular recently.
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The integration of Egypt and Sudan is imposed by nature and creates common interests with it, even if it was spoiled by wrong policies since the fifties of the last century, as well as foreign schemes that saw any strong rapprochement between them as a threat to their interests in the African continent and the south of the Arab world.
Thus integration fails.
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What is happening in Sudan in terms of a comprehensive deterioration, cracks in its political, societal and military structure, and bloody confrontations poses a serious threat to the future of Sudan, its independence, unity, territorial integrity and the security of its people, and threatens the stability of the Horn of Africa and South Arabia, as well as the security and vital interests of Egypt.

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[Abe Abraham]

• The Security and Intelligence Service and jihadist brigades are preparing for massive assassinations among the political forces
  
  Informed sources explained to us that the security apparatus asked the telecommunications companies to provide it with all contact information for a large number of leaders.
  
  The sources added that the request for contact information aims to enforce the hunting campaign that is currently taking place and will be completed when the leaders of the National Congress Party are released from Kober prison.
  
  The assassination file is handled by the former security service officer, Anas Omar( ኣነስ ዑመር), under the supervision of Salah Qosh (ሳላሕ ጎሽ), Mufaddal (ሙፈደል), Ali Karti (ዓሊ ከርቲ) , and Ali Othman (ዓሊ ዑስማን).
  
  Anas Omar( ኣነሰ ዑመር ) formed the assassination squads from the elements of the Operations Authority of the security apparatus and the shadow brigades of the Popular Security and the Popular Defense, especially the Al-Bara Brigade, in cooperation with Muhammad Ali Al-Jazouli(መሓመድ ዓሊ ኣል-ጀዙሊ), Naji Abdullah( ናጂ ዓብደላ ), and Naji Mustafa ( ናጂ ሙስጣፋ).
  
  It placed the leadership of the assassination squads, Yasser Arman(ያስር ዓርማን), as a first priority. Informed sources attributed this to the fact that Arman was one of the leaders who failed to break it through intimidation, temptations, or campaigns of psychological warfare for many years. He also maintained regular stances against the Muslim Brotherhood, in addition to his political experience, which made them believe that he is behind the political line of the forces of freedom and change. The sources pointed out to Salah Gosh's( ሳላሕ ጎሽ ) last recording, in which he presented many incoherent blessings to justify the assassination of Yasser Arman and give the go-ahead and reassure the execution elements that the goal was authorized by the leadership of the organization.
  
  Also included in the list of assassinations of the Civil Front is Siddiq al-Sadiq al-Mahdi( ሲዲቕ ኣል-ሳድቕ ኣል-ማህዲ), Khaled Omar( ኻልድ ዑመር) , Omar al-Daqir ( ዑመር ኣል-ዳቒር), Taha Othman Ishaq ( ጣሃ ዑስማን ኢስሓቕ), al-Wathiq al-Barir (ኣል-ዋሲቕ ኣል-ባሪር) , Babiker Faisal (ባቢክር ፈይሰል), and Nasr al-Din Abd al-Bari ) ናስር ኣል-ዲን ዓብድ-ኣልባሪ ), among a list of 100 personalities that include media figures, intellectuals, and leaders of civil society organizations and resistance committees.
  
  The assassination plan also includes a number of active and retired military personnel, including Major General Ahmed Idris( ኣሕመደ ኢድሪስ), but it is remarkable that the plan includes Al-Burhan ( ኣል-ቡርሃን ) himself who they see as hesitant and subject to pressure, and they decided to assassinate him in the event that he returns to the political process sponsored by the international community or achieves a decisive victory over the Rapid Support Forces . This was clearly indicated by Aisha Al-Majidi (ዓኢሻ ኣል-ማጂዲ ) , who is associated with the National Congress and Military Intelligence security services, in one of her articles published on social media. The plan also includes Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo Hamidti( መሓመድ ሓምዳን ደግሎ/ ሕሜድቲ) and his brother Abdul Rahim ( ዓብድ ኣል-ረሒም).
  
  The sources confirmed that the implementation of the plan will be completed as soon as the leaders of the National Congress are secured from Kober prison, but the assassination of Arman( ዓርማን), Taha Ishaq (ጣሃ ኢስሓቕ ), Khaled Omar (ኻልድ ዑመር) and Siddiq al-Sadiq ( ሲዲቕ ኣል-ሳድቕ ) was set as a priority for implementation since the beginning of the military operations, and a hunting campaign is currently underway, because of which the director of the security apparatus Mufaddal (ሙፈደል) asked for contact information from the phone companies.
  
  

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[Abe Abraham]

The beautiful Christian Baissary of Al-Hadath/ኣል-ሓደስ invites you to watch developments in Sudan ....

#الدعم_السريع ينشر صورا يقول فيها إنه يسيطر على وسط الخرطوم

Latest from Al-Hadath :መሃል ካርቱም በፈጥኖ ደራሽ / RSF/ኣል-ዳዕም ኣል-ሰሪዕ ቁጥጥር ስር

[Abe Abraham]

• ፈጥኖ ደራሽ /RSF/ኣል-ዳዕም ኣል-ሰሪዕ ፥ In a new battle.. #Rapid_Support destroys the equipment of the supporting coup forces from Damazin on the outskirts of Khartoum

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[Abe Abraham]

• ፉርሳን ኣ(ል)-ዱዋስ !!!!!

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[Abe Abraham]

Al-Burhan supported by Egypt and controlled by the Islamists fighting against .....




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[Abe Abraham]

… اختفاء البرهان

ኢኽቲፋእ ኣል-ቡርሃን / The disappearance of Al-Burhan


ዶክተር ኣብዮት ኣሕመድ ዓሊ በካሪካተሩ ለኣል-ቡርሃን ፥ ኣንተ እስካሁን ድረስ የፈውዚያ ልጆች* ( በቀልድ ግብጾች!!) ከዚህ እዲያወጡህ እየጠበቅክ ነው !!!!

*

ግብጻውያንን የፈውዚያ ልጆች ብለው በቅርብ ጊዜ ለመጀመርያ የጠሩ የፈጥኖ ደራሽ/RSF/ኣል-ዳዕም ኣል-ሰሪዕ ታጣቂዎች የመረዊ የኣውሮፕላን ማረፍያ ቦታ ተቆጣጥረው እዛ የነበሩ የግብጽ ወታደሮች በእጃቸው ካስገቡ በጓላ ነው ።

ሱዳናውያን ከ"የፈውዚያ ልጆች" በስተቀር እብሪተኛ ግብጻዊን ኣስተምህሮ ለመስጠት ሲፈልጉ " የፊፊ ዓብዱ ልጆች " የሚለውን " ሲያሜ " ም ይወረውራሉ ።

ፊፊ ዓብዱ በግብጽና በኣረባዊ ዓለም የታወቀች - ኣሁን በእድሜ ብትገፋም - ዝነኛ የቤሊዳንስ የሲነማና የተከታታይ ፊልሞች ተጫዋች ነች ። ሱዳናውያን " የፊፊ ዓብዱ ልጆች " ብለው በግብጻውያን የሚቀልዱት በግብጽ " ፊፊ ዓብዱ የጥሩ እናት ኣርኣያ ነች " የሚል ንግግር ስለ ተሰማ ነው ። ስለዚ ሱዳናውያን ሲቀልዱ መነሻ ኣላቸው ማለት ነው !!

ፊፊ ዓብዱ ሃያልና ርእሰ-መተማመን የሞላት ሴት ስለሆነች ኣንዳንድ ጊዜ ስትናገር የሚያስገርሙ ቃላቶች ይዛ ትቀርባለች ። ከፊፊ ዓብዱ በስተቀር በዚህ ዓለም - በተለይ በኣረባዊና እስላማዊ ዓለም - " ከረቢኣችን/ ኣምላክ በሰልፊ ልነሳ እፈልጋለሁ " ማን ሊል ይችላል ?

ፈውዚያስ ማን ነች ? ፈውዚያ የኣንድ የፉኣድ ኣል-ሙሃንድስ ትያትር ካራክተር/ገጸ-ባህርይ ነች ። ቂልነትም ሲምቦላይዝ ታደርጋለች ።

• በትያትሩ ለኣባትዋ ፉኣድ ኣል-ሙሃንድስ ስትናገር ፥ " የሚገርም እኮ ነው! ልጁ በእጄን ያዘኝ ፡ መንገዱ ለማቋረጥ ልረዳሽ ብየ ነው ደሞ ይለኛል ! "

• ኣባትዋ በመደነቅ " የብዙ ወራት እጮኛሽ ሆኖ እስካሁን ድረስ እጅሽን ኣልነካም ? "

• ፈውዚያ " እንዴት ብሎ ሊደፍር ? ( እጅዋን በመንካት ብቻ ክብረ-ንጽህነትዋን እንደሚደፍር ኣድርጋ ወሰደችው ማለት ነው ! ) ።

ስለዚ ሱዳናውያን ለግብጻውያን " የፈውዚያ ልጆች " ብለው ሲጠሩ/ሲሰድቡ " የቂል ልጆች " ማለታቸው ነው !!

ግብጻውያን በበኩላቸው በሱዳናውያን ሲቀልዱ በሌዚነት(ጸረ-ታታሪነት) እየከሰሱ ፥ " ኣንድ ሱዳናዊ ከስላን/ሌዚ ስለሆነ ብዙ ይተኛና ከተነሳ በጓላ ምን እያደረግክ ነው ተብሎ ሲጠየቅ " መልሼ እንድተኛ ትንሽ እያረፍኩ ነኝ ! " ብሎ ይመልሳል " ብለው ይቀልዳሉ !! በለሌላ ኣነጋገር ሱዳናዊ መተኛት ራሱ እንደ ኣድካሚ ስራ ቆጥሮ ተኝቶ ከተነሳ በጓላ ትንሽ ኣርፎ መልሶ ይተኛል ማለታቸው ነው !!!!!

ረጋ ብለህ ከተመለከትክ የግብጹ ቀልድ ቁም-ነገር ኣለው ። ሱዳናውያን ታታሪነት ካሳዩ ኣገራቸውን በቀላሉ ወደ ሌላ ደረጃ ለማሻገር በቻሉ ነበር ። ከኣገሩ ውጭ - በተለይ በጋልፍ ኣረብ ኣገሮች - ሱዳናዊ በታታሪነቱና ታማችነቱ የታወቀ ነው ። ግብጾችና ሱዳናውያን እንደ ኢትዮጵያውያን የኔ ሰዎች ስለሆኑ በስሜት ጥሩ ኣድርጌ ኣውቃቸዋለሁ ።



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[Abe Abraham]

• Hamidti to Al-Arabiya: I am in Khartoum with the Rapid Support Forces
  
  
  The commander of the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan, Mohamed Hamdan Daglo "Hamedti", confirmed on Saturday that he is inside Khartoum and with the Rapid Support Forces.
  
  He said in exclusive statements to "Al-Arabiya" that Al-Burhan planned from the first day for the return of the Islamic movement, and he has nothing in his hands, and it is better to sit with "Karti" (የብራዘርሁድ ዓሊ ከርቲ ) or "Osama Abdullah( ኡሳማ ዓብደላ )."
  
  Hamidati regrets the Sudanese people because of the current events, pointing out that Al-Burhan did not listen to my advice, and I am with the democratic transition, and I warned him previously about the way he manages the country's affairs.
  
  The commander of the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan said that Saudi Arabia and the UAE support the framework agreement and the democratic transition in Sudan.
  
  Hamidti told Al-Arabiya: “We are the ones who thwarted Al-Burhan’s coup … and Wagner’s forces have nothing to do with the current conflict in Sudan.
  
  He added that Al-Burhan is sitting inside a trench and does not know what is happening, and the army forces attacked our forces in the east of the Nile, despite the armistice.
  
  Committed to a truce
  
  Hemedti had announced his commitment to the truce declared since yesterday in Sudan on the occasion of Eid al-Fitr, during a call between Hemedti and the French Foreign Minister, Catherine Colonna. The commander of the Rapid Support Forces confirmed that he agreed with Colonna on many "necessary issues", which he did not specify, except that he only indicated that they would have a direct impact on the overall situation in the country.
  
  He added on his Twitter account that he discussed, during a phone call with Colonna, the current situation in Sudan, the reasons for the aggravation of the situation, and how to invest the declared truce in opening humanitarian corridors, to facilitate the movement of citizens and enable all countries to evacuate their nationals.
  
  During the call, he renewed RSF's commitment to a complete ceasefire during the armistice period, which the army had agreed to yesterday.
  
  The conflict in Sudan entered its eighth day, as intermittent clashes are heard from time to time, despite a ceasefire agreement during the holiday between the army forces and the Rapid Support Forces. Clashes were heard between the Sudanese army and the Rapid Support Forces in Khartoum after hours of calm, while the correspondent of "Al-Arabiya" and "Al-Hadath" reported hearing the sound of artillery in Omdurman on the second day of Eid Al-Fitr, and 6 people were killed by a shell in the Mansoura area of Omdurman.
  
  Our correspondent reported that there are continuous clashes in Khartoum Bahri and Omdurman despite the validity of the truce, pointing to the flight of army planes over the skies of Khartoum, Bahri and Omdurman, pointing to continuous explosions and heavy flight of aircraft in the Karari area of Omdurman.
  
  Our sources reported that fighter jets and helicopters are carrying out intensive combing operations in the city of Omdurman, noting that there are bodies dumped in the streets, and looting in the industrial zone in Khartoum North. The correspondent of "Al-Arabiya" and "Al-Hadath" reported that the army has tightened its control over Marawi, and there is no presence of the Rapid Support Forces there. Also, according to local Sudanese reports, violent clashes broke out in East Nile and Sahafa Street, south of Khartoum.
  
  Al-Arabiya and Al-Hadath had monitored, in the early hours of Saturday morning, the sounds of heavy gunfire after the Sudanese army declared a truce for 3 days, and the source of the fire was not specified. The army had called on the Rapid Support Forces to respect the truce.
  
  In the context, the Rapid Support Forces in Sudan announced its readiness to partially open all Sudanese airports to air traffic to countries wishing to evacuate their nationals.
  
  The forces said in a statement on “Facebook”: “In line with the humanitarian truce announced by the Rapid Support Forces for a period of 72 hours, and in an effort to facilitate the movement of citizens and residents, the Rapid Support Forces announce their readiness to partially open all Sudanese airports to air traffic to enable brotherly and friendly countries that wish to evacuating its citizens from leaving the country safely.”
  
  In the statement, the forces affirmed their "full readiness to cooperate, coordinate and provide all facilities that enable expatriates and missions to leave the country safely."
  
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[Abe Abraham]

• The role of Egypt and the Brotherhood ( Al-Kizan/ኣል-ኪዛን/ as they are known in the Sudan)

[Abe Abraham]

• Al-Burhan's new trick in Sudan.. Democracy, but under the shadows of generals |
  
  By Ali Al-Sarraf
  
  If it is difficult for external parties to take sides in the conflict between the army led by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the Rapid Support Forces led by Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo, then the “civilian component” has no right to remain neutral. There is a price to be paid for neutrality.
  
  Civil parties that have agreed among themselves on a framework for assuming power, give up their right if they are unable to receive the price. It is not required to be a third party to the conflict, nor to support one party over the other, but it can defend its rights and make these rights a prior restriction on both warring parties.
  
  The return of civilian authority and the withdrawal of the army to the barracks are two matters that are supposed to be out of discussion. They are two things that should be emphasized as a basis that cannot be abandoned, whatever the outcome of the ongoing war. This confirmation is useful for the two conflicting parties to understand together the limits of what they may seek after the battle is over.
  
  The parties of the civil component know the two sides of the conflict well. You know which of them wants to overthrow the “framework agreement”. You also know which one is closer to the revolution that overthrew the authority of Omar al-Bashir, and which one is more trustworthy than the other. However, she is not compelled, in the midst of this battle, to support one of them because her cohesion itself will collapse, thus adding fuel to the fire. However, what is inevitable is that it emerges as an independent force capable of defending its rights, regardless of any outcome that may result from the confrontations.
  

  ◙ There is no need for a "conspiracy theory" to link Al-Burhan with the remnants of the former regime, as the entire army of the remnants of the former regime turns around and bows to the storm, but the interests of its leaders are tightly linked to the centers of the other remnants.

  
  
  Al-Burhan, with his conditions for integrating the Rapid Support Forces into the army, wanted to sell his power in the Sovereignty Council in order to buy another. His coup against Abdullah Hamdok's government on October 25, 2021 ended in complete failure, with popular rejection of him, his inability to run the government, and his failure to convince the world that he deserves support and trust. His abandonment of civil power became inevitable. But he wanted to guarantee himself a military power that no one can match. A situation that makes him able, in the end, to control the choices of the civil political authority. This is because a single military ruler prevails in the face of conflicting civil currents.
  
  This game is not new to Sudan. As civil parties differ among themselves, by virtue of the nature of matters, the army in Sudan has continued to seize opportunities in order for one party to prevail over another, before overthrowing it in order to monopolize power, for its own account.
  
  The overthrow of the Al-Bashir government, and the failure of the October 25, 2021 coup, Al-Burhan indicated a path, which he now believes to be more beneficial, that combines withdrawal to the barracks with remaining as a supreme authority over the heads of all parties, whether he succeeds in winning over some of them or not.
  
  Al-Burhan wants to repeat, in this way, Myanmar's experience in democracy that operates under the shadows of generals. Which means that the presence of parallel armed forces frustrates this aspiration.
  
  Al-Burhan claimed that he wanted to withdraw to the barracks and promised not to interfere in political affairs, in return for having absolute power over all types of the armed forces. This is a trap, the civil parties did not notice its future dangers. Given that the army in Sudan is not just a military force, but an economic force that controls many sources of wealth, the presence of a single military ruler will paralyze the ability of any civilian government to dispose of the country's resources according to its own development program. The army will stand by her. He may attempt to overthrow it, through a direct coup, or from behind a curtain.
  
  The presence of a parallel military force could have been a guarantee that prevented this fate. However, some Sudanese civil parties, which were preoccupied with their own conflicts, chose to deceive themselves when they allowed Al-Burhan to dream of absolute power, and accepted his promises to “restructure the armed forces.” So the “integration” of the Rapid Support Forces, in order to get rid of them, was the first thing that began to be pursued.
  
  

  ◙ The return of civil authority and the withdrawal of the army to the barracks are two matters that are supposed to be out of discussion. They are two things that should be emphasized as a basis that cannot be abandoned

  
  
  Nothing justifies ignoring the fact that it was the Rapid Support Forces that overthrew al-Bashir's authority. The army came next, to turn against change. Look at the details of the first months of the revolution, and you will see how the army tried to regain the initiative by means of deception, as it adopted the demands for change, but by imposing itself as an authority over them. Until the military became the de facto ruler in the country through the “Transitional Sovereignty Council” headed by Al-Burhan.
  
  The civilians of change could still see how the leaders of Al-Bashir's authority, including Al-Bashir himself, were released, on the orders of Al-Burhan, from prisons to hospitals for more than a year, with allegations of illness. The message was clear. It says to the political parties: accept what we want, or we will restore the previous regime.
  
  There is no need for a "conspiracy theory" to link the proof with the remnants of the former regime. The entire army is a remnant of the former regime. It turns around, bows to the storm, but the interests of its leaders are tightly linked to the centers of other remnants. For this reason, Al-Bashir remained in power for thirty years. And he would not have fallen except when Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo turned against him. This is because the Rapid Support Forces remained an “external” party, compared to the military and security establishment, which remained loyal to al-Bashir even after his overthrow.
  
  Al-Burhan could have proceeded with his plan had he not rushed the October 25 coup to reveal his intentions. The reason that prompted him to stage the coup was that the civil currents were asking for a radical adoption by the army of the demands for change, and for those responsible for the crimes committed against the demonstrators to be prosecuted. Al-Burhan felt that the circles were closing in on him. And when his coup took the path of the abyss, he found no escape from redress. But without giving up his ambitions.
  
  The Sudanese parties, knowing this reality, are not obliged to take sides. But it is forced to defend its right to build a democracy that is neither threatened by generals nor sheltered by their shadow.
  

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[Abe Abraham]

• ኣል-ፈሪቕ (ሹመት) ዓብደልረሒም ሓምዳን ደግሎ - በፈጥኖ ደራሽ/ RSF/ ኣል-ዳዕም ኣል-ሰሪዕ ሁለተኛ በወታደራዊ መሪነት ደረጃ - በቅድመ-ግንባር

الان قائد ثاني #قوات_الدعم_السريع الفريق عبدالرحيم حمدان دقلو يتقدم الصفوف الأمامية

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[Abe Abraham]

" እኛ ጸረ የሱዳን ሃገራዊ ሰራዊት ኣይደለንም ። የኢስላሚስቶች ሙጃሂዲን ኣል-ዲፋዕ ኣልሻዕቢና ሌሎች (ፓራሚሊታሪ ድርጅቶች ) በኛ ጥቃት ከሰነዘሩ በጓላ ኣሸንፈን እስከ ሃምሳ የሚሆኑ መኪናዎቻቸው ( መትረይስ የጠመዱ የሞባይል/ተንቃሳቃሽ ጦርነት ) በቁጥጥራችን ልናስገባ ችለናል ። "


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