Ethiopian News, Current Affairs and Opinion Forum
Post Reply
Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 06:49


Ethiopia pulls WHO boss Tedros’ nomination for ‘supporting’ TPLF
https://nation.africa/kenya/news/africa ... lf-3682156







______________




Does the fascist have an answer?

Last edited by Zmeselo on 14 Jan 2022, 09:23, edited 1 time in total.

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 07:51




Featured image: Woman walks by the rather large vibrant mural dedicated to Patrice Lumumba, political leader who brought freedom to the Congo, in L.A.’s Leimert Park. Photo credit Joey Zanotti via Flickr CC BY 2.0.

Probing the Depths of the CIA’s Misdeeds in Africa

The CIA committed many crimes in the early days of post-independence Africa. But is it fair to call their interference “recolonization”?

By Alex Park

https://www.globalresearch.ca/probing-d ... ca/5766416

6 January 2022

In 1958, a year after it achieved independence from colonial rule, Ghana hosted a conference of African leaders, the first such gathering to ever take place on the continent. At the invitation of Ghana’s newly elected prime minister, Kwame Nkrumah, more than 300 leaders from 28 territories across Africa attended, including Patrice Lumumba of the still-Belgian Congo and Frantz Fanon, who was then living in still-French Algeria. It was a time of unlimited potential for a group of people determined to chart a new course for their homelands. But the host wanted his guests not to forget the dangers ahead of them.
Do not let us also forget that colonialism and imperialism may come to us yet in a different guise—not necessarily from Europe.


In fact, the agents Nkrumah feared were already present. Not long after the event began, Ghanaian police arrested a journalist who had been hiding in one of the conference rooms while apparently trying to record a closed breakout session. As it was later discovered, the journalist actually worked for a CIA front organization, one of many represented at the event.

British scholar Susan Williams has spent years documenting these and other instances of the United States’ secret operations during the early years of African independence. The resulting book, White Malice: The CIA and the Covert Recolonization of Africa, may be the most thorough investigation to date of CIA involvement in Africa in the late 1950s and early 1960s. Over more than 500 pages, Williams counters the lies, deceptions, and pleas of innocence perpetuated by the CIA and other US agencies to reveal a government that never let its failure to grasp the motivations of Africa’s leaders stop it from intervening, often violently, to undermine or overthrow them.

Though a few other African countries appear on the sidelines, White Malice overwhelmingly concerns just two that preoccupied the CIA during this period: Ghana and what is now the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Ghana’s appeal to the agency was based merely on its place in history. As the first African nation to gain independence, in 1957, and the homeland of Nrukmah—by far the most widely respected advocate of African self-determination of the day—the nation was inevitably a source of intrigue. The Congo stepped out of its colonial shackles soon after, in 1960. Because of its size, position near southern Africa’s bastions of white rule, and reserves of high-quality uranium at the Shinkolobwe mine in Katanga province, the country soon became the next locus of the agency’s attention—and interference—in Africa.
This is a turning point in the history of Africa,
Nkrumah told Ghana’s National Assembly during a visit from Congolese Prime Minister Lumumba a few weeks into the Congo’s self-rule.
If we allow the independence of the Congo to be compromised in any way by the imperialist and capitalist forces, we shall expose the sovereignty and independence of all Africa to grave risk.
Nkrumah possessed an acute understanding of the threat and of the people behind it. Only months after his speech, Lumumba was assassinated by a Belgian and Congolese firing squad, opening the door to decades of pro-western tyranny in the country.

Lumumba’s assassination is remembered today as one of the low points of the early years of African independence, but a lacking documentary record has allowed partisan investigators to minimize the CIA’s role. It’s a failure of accountability which has allowed the agency to appear blameless while reinforcing a fatalistic view of African history, as if the murder of an elected official was merely another terrible thing that had “just happened” to a people utterly unprepared for the challenge of independence.

But as Williams shows, the CIA was actually one of the chief architects of the plot. Only days after Lumumba’s visit to Ghana, Larry Devlin, the agency’s leading man in the Congo, warned his bosses of a vague takeover plot involving the Soviets, Ghanaians, Guineans, and the local communist party. It was
difficult [to] determine major influencing factors,
he said.

Despite a complete lack of evidence, he was certain the “decisive period” when the Congo would align itself with the Soviet Union was “not far off.” Soon after, President Eisenhower verbally ordered the CIA to assassinate Lumumba.

The CIA’s agents did not, in the end, man the firing squad to kill Lumumba. But as Williams makes clear, that distinction is minor when one considers everything else the agency did to assist in the murder. After inventing and disseminating the bogus conspiracy plot of a pro-Soviet takeover, the CIA leveraged its multitude of sources in Katanga to provide intelligence to Lumumba’s enemies, making his capture possible. They helped to deliver him to the Katanga prison where he was held before his execution. Williams even cites a few lines from a recently declassified CIA expense report to show that Devlin, the station chief, ordered one of his agents to visit the prison not long before the bullets were fired.

When Nkrumah learned of Lumumba’s assassination, he felt it
in a very keen and personal way,
according to June Milne, his British research assistant.

But horrifying as the news was to him, the Ghanaian statesman was hardly surprised.

White Malice is a triumph of archival research, and its best moments come when Williams allows the actors on both sides to speak for themselves. While books about African independence often show Nkrumah and his peers to be paranoid and hopelessly idealistic, reading their words alongside a mountain of evidence of CIA misdeeds, one sees how fear and idealism were entirely pragmatic reactions to the threats of the day. Nkrumah’s vision of African unity wasn’t the pipe dream of a naive and untested politician; it was a necessary response to a concerted effort to divide and weaken the continent.

In Nkrumah’s own country, the US government appears not to have pursued a course of outright assassination. But it acted in other ways to undermine the Ghanaian leader, often justifying its ploys with the same kinds of paternalistic rationalizations the British had used before them. Those efforts reached their nadir in 1964, when the US State Department’s West Africa specialists sent a memo to G. Mennen Williams, the department’s head of African affairs, titled,
Proposed Action Program for Ghana.
The United States, it said, should start making “intensive efforts” involving
psychological warfare and other means to diminish support for Nkrumah within Ghana and nurture the conviction among the Ghanaian people that their country’s welfare and independence necessitate his removal.
In another file from that year, an official from Britain’s Commonwealth Relations Office mentions a plan, ostensibly approved at the highest levels of the foreign service, for
covert and unattributable attacks on Nkrumah.
The level of coordination between governments within and outside the United States might have shocked Nkrumah, who, until the end of his life, was at least willing to believe the CIA was a rogue agency, accountable to no one, not even US presidents.

White Malice leaves little doubt, if any still existed, that the CIA did grave harm to Africa in its early days of independence, often violently. But while Williams presents numerous instances of the CIA and other agencies undermining African governments, often violently, the CIA’s wider strategy in Africa—apart from denying uranium and allies to the Soviet Union—remains opaque. What we call “colonization” as practiced by Britain, France, Belgium, and others involved a vast machinery of exploitation—schools to train children to speak the masters’ language, railroads to deplete the interior of resources—all maintained by an army of functionaries. But even in the Congo, the CIA’s presence was comparatively small. Huge budgets and the freedom to do virtually whatever they wanted in the name of fighting communism gave them an outsize influence over Africa’s history, but their numbers never rivaled the colonial bureaucracies they supposedly replaced.

Williams shows how the CIA plotted with business people who stood to benefit from pro-western African governments in both the Congo and Ghana. But far from a systematic practice of extraction, the agency’s designs for Africa often seem befuddled with contradiction.

That is especially true in the aftermath of Lumumba’s assassination; an overabundance of secrecy still prevents a full accounting. But what records have been pried from the agency’s hands reveal details of a multitude of CIA aerial operations in the Congo, involving planes owned by agency front companies and pilots who were themselves CIA personnel. During a period of upheaval, the agency appears to be everywhere in the country at once.
But,
Williams writes,
it is a confusing situation in which the CIA appears to have been riding several horses at once that were going in different directions.
The agency
supported [Katangan secessionist president Moïse] Tshombe’s war on the UN; it supported the UN mission in the Congo; and it supported the Congolese Air Force, the air arm of the Leopoldville government.
As contradictory as these efforts seem to have been, all of them, Williams writes,
contributed to the objective of keeping the whole of the Congo under America’s influence and guarding the Shinkolobwe mine against Soviet incursion.
Even if such conflicting plans shared a common goal, it’s not unreasonable to ask whether we should consider them “colonialism”—neo- or otherwise—or rather the schizophrenic response of an agency drunk with power it never should have been afforded. In White Malice, the CIA’s capacity for committing murder and sowing discord is on full display. Its capacity to rule, however, is less so.

*

Alex Park is a writer and researcher with an interest in global trade and agriculture in Africa.

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 08:10



Ethiopia Conflict Dynamics Shift as New U.S. Envoy Takes Over

Recent signs out of Ethiopia are encouraging, but major issues standing in the way of a sustainable peace remain unresolved.


Ethiopians who fled fighting in Tigray region gather in Hamdayet village, near the Sudan-Ethiopia border, eastern Kassala State, Sudan on November 22, 2020. Mohamed Nureldin Abdallah/Reuters

Blog Post by Michelle Gavin

https://www.cfr.org/blog/ethiopia-confl ... s-over?amp

January 10, 2022

News coming out of Addis Ababa suggests that the conflict in Ethiopia is entering a new phase. For over a year, momentum seemed to be forever driving toward worsening violence between the federal government, its allies, and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), as well as a deepening rift between the Ethiopian government and international partners including https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/et ... 022-01-07/ the United States. But now the TPLF has retreated back to Tigray, and federal ground forces have declined to advance on the region. Ethiopian authorities have freed prominent opposition leaders from prison—including members of the TPLF and Oromo groups that have been at odds with the government—framing the pardons and amnesty as a step toward unity and reconciliation. Late last month, lawmakers approved https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/et ... story.html the establishment of a national dialogue commission that will seek political solutions to the multiple fractures in Ethiopian society. While the dialogue as envisioned will not include armed opponents of the government, it could perhaps create a pathway toward more inclusive and consequential talks.

But not all the news is good. Humanitarian conditions in Tigray are as dire as ever, in large part because the Ethiopian government continues to impede https://reports.unocha.org/en/country/ethiopia access to the region. Ongoing aerial attacks on civilian targets are exacerbating the loss and suffering, killing https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/un ... 022-01-07/ Ethiopians and refugees and prompting https://www.france24.com/en/live-news/2 ... -strike-un aid organizations to suspend operations because they cannot safely do their work. This weekend the TPLF claimed https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/et ... 022-01-09/ that Eritrean forces were continuing to fight in Tigray—a claim that, if true, would render the restraint of federal forces far less meaningful. Meanwhile, many Ethiopians who were swept up in a wave of dubious arrests targeting human rights activists, journalists, and ethnic Tigrayan Ethiopians—whose only crime seemed to be their ethnicity—are still detained. https://addisstandard.com/news-addis-po ... excusable/

The Biden administration is assessing these developments and trying to capitalize https://www.whitehouse.gov/briefing-roo ... -ethiopia/ on the positive trends as it transitions from Special Envoy for the Horn of Africa Jeffrey Feltman, whose resignation was announced https://www.state.gov/u-s-special-envoy ... of-africa/ last week, to his successor, David Satterfield. It will be important to resist the temptation of wishful thinking in this moment and to ensure that a desire for a reset of the bilateral relationship does not lead to a selective reading of the latest developments. There are positive signs, but doubts over the sincerity of the government’s desire for peace persist, as do real questions about the sustainability of steps toward peace. Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed's political base may have been unified in its animus toward the TPLF, but without an urgent threat from a common enemy, competing and sometimes contradictory interests will be hard to satisfy. Some of the militant Amhara nationalists that Abiy relied on over the past year already view the latest amnesties as a betrayal. Eritrea will continue to pursue its own agenda, which does not entail standing down while Ethiopians resolve their political differences peacefully and emerge a stronger and more just society. Accountability for atrocities committed by all parties to the conflict remains elusive.

Over the past year Abiy and his supporters have used the history of U.S.-Ethiopia relations as a cudgel, pointing to Washington’s tendency to overlook internal repression and abuse during the years of TPLF dominance to question U.S. motives. It would be ironic if American desires to end this difficult period led to repeating the same mistakes. Of course, the United States wants a productive relationship with Ethiopia—especially a just, peaceful Ethiopia that models a successful heterogeneous society, champions democratic norms, and supports African institutions. But good relations with the government in Addis Ababa are not worth much if the country is tearing itself apart, simmering with grievances that explode into violence, or practicing and exporting the kind of brutal authoritarian governance that characterizes Eritrea. The United States should take care to consider the totality of the picture in Ethiopia today, remembering that it is the ultimate course of that influential country, not rapport with any one leader, that matters most.

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 09:28





On behalf of the gov’t and people of Somali Region, we profoundly thank the Addis Ababa City Adminstration and Mayor Adanech Abiebie for providing food items worth Birr 100 million to drought-affected people in the region. We appreciate this act of brotherhood and empathy.
Mustafe M. Omer: @Mustafe_M_Omer

Aba
Member
Posts: 3852
Joined: 15 Apr 2011, 17:52

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Aba » 14 Jan 2022, 10:19

 Kenneth Roth
Executive Director

Eritrean government forces committed war crimes, possible crimes against humanity, and other serious violations against Tigrayan civilians during the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. Eritrean forces also forcibly disappeared dozens of Eritrean refugees living there, raped several, coercively repatriated hundreds, and destroyed two Eritrean refugee camps. Eritrean forces also committed widespread pillaging with much of the plunder taken back to Eritrea...
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2022/c ... Kr1m2qy6AU

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 10:28

I rest my case! :lol:


Soros gives $100 mn to Human Rights Watch
https://m.economictimes.com/news/intern ... 515896.cms

Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 10:19
 Kenneth Roth
Executive Director

Eritrean government forces committed war crimes, possible crimes against humanity, and other serious violations against Tigrayan civilians during the ongoing conflict in Ethiopia’s Tigray region. Eritrean forces also forcibly disappeared dozens of Eritrean refugees living there, raped several, coercively repatriated hundreds, and destroyed two Eritrean refugee camps. Eritrean forces also committed widespread pillaging with much of the plunder taken back to Eritrea...
https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2022/c ... Kr1m2qy6AU

Aba
Member
Posts: 3852
Joined: 15 Apr 2011, 17:52

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Aba » 14 Jan 2022, 11:00

Blaming everybody else but your tyrant.
30 years of stupidity in one video.
I rest my case.
Please wait, video is loading...

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 11:02




Russian President Vladimir Putin, center, with leaders of African countries at the Russia-Africa summit in the Black Sea resort of Sochi, Russia, Oct. 24, 2019 (pool photo by Sergei Chirikov via AP Images).

Russia’s ‘Return’ to Africa Is Less Than the Sum of Its Parts

Chris Olaoluwa Ogunmodede

https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/tre ... heir-parts

January 13, 2022

Over the past several years, international policymakers, primarily in the West, as well as journalists and commentators have frequently called attention to Russia’s renewed interest in expanding its footprint in Africa. These discussions of “Russia’s return” to Africa are usually couched in a fearmongering, manichean framework of competition, ostensibly within what are regarded as Western spheres of influence in Africa. They also frequently feature calls for Western policymakers to “counter” Russia’s activities in Africa, bolstered with references to the malevolent ways Russia exerts influence among governments and publics on the continent, including—but by no means limited to—disinformation campaigns, arms sales, diplomatic support for autocratic regimes and the use of private military companies in the security arena.

In recent times, West Africa has become something of a poster child for these alarmist narratives, amid a renewed round of debates about the relationship between nations in the region and France, the former colonial ruler of most of them. With France and Russia said to be engaged in a geopolitical contest for influence in Mali, https://www.france24.com/en/africa/2021 ... he-country in particular, many commentators blame everything from popular support for the country’s transitional military regime to widespread public opposition to France and its policies in the Sahel on Russian disinformation intended to expand Moscow’s influence https://africacenter.org/spotlight/russ ... tion-mali/ there and elsewhere across Africa.

In neighboring Niger https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/11/ ... rmy-convoy and Burkina Faso, https://www.trtworld.com/africa/french- ... faso-51860 where recent confrontations between citizens and French troops have turned violent and even deadly in the case of the former, Paris and its network of defenders have similarly blamed conspiracy theories about France working with extremist groups, which are commonly heard in the region, on Russian disinformation.

All of that makes it worthwhile to examine Russia’s “return” to Africa and its current footprint on the continent, as well as what Africa’s contemporary relations with Russia actually entail, more closely.

The Soviet Union’s prominent role in Africa https://republic.com.ng/august-septembe ... g-dynamic/ throughout much of the Cold War—during which Moscow supported independence and liberation movements across the continent and provided newly independent African states with economic, diplomatic and military assistance—is well-established. The Soviet Union also implemented educational programs to provide higher education opportunities for African students in a range of fields, including health care, engineering, science and technology, which more than 50,000 African students benefitted from. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10. ... ode=rcas20 And even though that robust engagement waned after the demise of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, its broader legacy has generally stood the test of time. African students continue to seek educational opportunities in Russia https://thepienews.com/news/russia-ambi ... t-numbers/ and other parts of the former Iron Curtain. African militaries continue to use Soviet and Russian military hardware. And energy cooperation between Russian companies and energy-rich African countries continues to be considerable.

While it has not reached the levels seen during the Cold War, Russian diplomatic engagement with Africa has also picked up some steam since 2006, when President Vladimir Putin made a historic visit to South Africa. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2006/9/5 ... rica-visit Through the United Nations and other multilateral fora, diplomatic links between Russia and Africa have increased, with Moscow regularly courting African votes on the U.N. Security Council and the U.N. General Assembly. In 2013, Russia signed a comprehensive strategic partnership with South Africa. https://www.up.ac.za/media/shared/85/St ... p74595.pdf And in 2019, Putin hosted 43 African heads of state and government at the first-ever Russia-Africa Summit in Sochi, with a follow-up gathering expected to happen this year.

The inaugural edition of the summit spawned more than $12 billion in business deals, largely—and unsurprisingly—in arms and grains. Russia is a major supplier of weapons to Africa. According to data from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, Russia was the single largest arms exporter to Africa https://sipri.org/sites/default/files/2 ... t_2020.pdf between 2016 and 2020. Africa accounted for 16 percent of Russia’s major arms exports, although of that, 80 percent went to one country, Algeria. Nonetheless, Russia has signed weapons deals with countries ranging from Nigeria and Sudan to Angola and Equatorial Guinea, with these governments turning to Moscow in large part because their attempts to acquire more sophisticated weaponry from Western suppliers were frustrated due to human rights considerations and higher costs.

Moscow must demonstrate that it can be a productive actor on the continent in ways that African citizens desire. So far, it has not managed to find a compelling way to do so.

Mercenaries from the Wagner Group, which is closely tied to Russia’s military intelligence agency, have also been deployed in Libya, the Central African Republic, Sudan and Mozambique, where the shadowy group has been accused of supporting violent reprisals against protesters, extrajudicial killings and even war crimes. Most recently, a French defense official claimed that up to 400 Russian mercenaries are operating in Mali, https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/fr ... 022-01-11/ even as Bamako insists that the Russian security presence in the country consists only of military trainers.

Moscow also has clear economic motives for engaging with African countries when it comes to natural resources. Russian state-owned energy companies—including Gazprom, Lukoil, Rostec and Rosatom—are active in Africa, with key investments in the oil, gas and nuclear sectors in Algeria, Egypt, Uganda and Angola to mention a few examples. And in Guinea, Russia has extensive interests in the country’s mining sector, particularly its gold and bauxite reserves, a development that featured prominently in coverage of the recent coup in that West African country. https://www.reuters.com/world/russia-ca ... 021-09-06/

Clearly it would be simplistic to say that Russia is not part of the growing trend of outside powers competing for geopolitical influence in Africa. That said, Russian engagement with Africa also has a logic of its own. And the fears of a purported Russian “return” to Africa are overblown. Russia’s footprint on the continent as a whole pales in comparison to that of China, the United States and the European Union. According to the African Export-Import Bank, bilateral trade in 2021 between Russia and Africa https://www.russia-briefing.com/news/ru ... rica.html/ stood at $20 billion, compared to the approximately $185 billion between China and Africa. http://www.news.cn/english/2021-11/17/c_1310316626.htm Even compared with U.S.-Africa trade, which itself has declined considerably in recent years, total trade with Russia makes up a small fraction of Africa’s trade volume. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-45035889

Meanwhile, Russia’s engagement at the multilateral level notwithstanding, bilateral relations with African governments remain scattershot and confined to a handful of client states and a narrow range of priority issues, namely security and energy. Few African governments, however, look to Moscow for robust diplomatic engagement to the degree that they do to London, Paris, Brussels, Washington or even Beijing.

As for Russia’s perception among African publics, there is little evidence there of a positive trajectory either. Only 9 percent of Africans placed Russia at the top of their list when it comes to outside powers’ positive image according to a 2021 finding, https://www.theafricareport.com/73566/i ... on-the-up/ down from 14 percent the year before. And though only three African countries were polled as part of a similar 2019 Pew Research survey, it’s nonetheless noteworthy that a minority of respondents in all three—Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa—have a positive image of Russia. https://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2 ... -globally/ Russian public diplomacy and soft power in Africa is weak and uncoordinated, and like China, Russia is susceptible to a perception problem https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/tre ... -relations and messaging disadvantage, shaped to a considerable extent by the dominance of Western media and technology. Allegations of human rights abuses by Russian mercenaries and reports of racial discrimination in Russia against African migrants and Russians of African ancestry https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2020 ... r-movement also do Moscow no favors.

Put simply, the story of Russia’s “return” to Africa is much less than the sum of its parts. This does not mean that Russian engagement on the continent, even in its more realistically appraised dimensions, does not present risks and problems for Africans. But it does suggest that there is much less to it than meets the eye, at least when compared with Western powers that possess broader and much deeper political, diplomatic, economic and cultural linkages to Africa.

Russian officials, like their Soviet predecessors, often use the language of anti-colonialism and self-determination to build inroads on the continent. As useful an icebreaker as that tactic is, the onus eventually falls on Moscow to demonstrate that it can be a productive actor on the continent in ways that African citizens desire. So far, it has not managed to find a compelling way to do so.

Nevertheless, it clearly serves the interests of Western powers to undermine Russian initiatives on the continent. After all, such is the nature of geopolitical competition. And if Russia’s renewed interest in Africa awakens the United States’ waning interest in the continent, it could present opportunities for the continent—but also risks. African countries would be wise to anticipate them, and maximize all the diplomatic opportunities they can get. https://www.worldpoliticsreview.com/tre ... t-realizes

*Editor’s note: The original version of this article incorrectly stated that Putin was the first Russian leader to visit the African continent. Boris Yeltsin became the first post-Soviet Russian leader to visit Africa in 1996, with a visit to Cairo, Egypt. WPR regrets the error.

Chris O. Ogunmodede is an associate editor with World Politics Review. His coverage of African politics, international relations and security has appeared in War on The Rocks, Mail & Guardian, The Republic, Africa is a Country and other publications. Follow him on Twitter at @Illustrious_Cee.

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 11:13

My white godz & overlords, NEVER do wrong! That's why, I worship them.

Funfun baria-AbaQ! :mrgreen:


You started with hrw lying about PIA 'killing' ur ugume, to then compare them to a fognatura in Asmara.

You should get an award, for idiocy.
:lol:


Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 11:00
Blaming everybody else but your tyrant.
30 years of stupidity in one video.
I rest my case.
Please wait, video is loading...

Abe Abraham
Senior Member
Posts: 11341
Joined: 05 Jun 2013, 13:00

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Abe Abraham » 14 Jan 2022, 11:22

Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 11:00
Shut up! Criminal Tigrayan muslim. :lol: :lol: :lol:

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 12:00

And, btw...


Do you live in one of America's worst cities? Detroit, Birmingham and Flint top list of America's 50 least appealing places to live
https://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/articl ... -No-1.html

Aba
Member
Posts: 3852
Joined: 15 Apr 2011, 17:52

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Aba » 14 Jan 2022, 12:04


30 years of stupidity in his own words.
Please wait, video is loading...

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 12:13

We will make a room for you, down there. You seem, to like it! Better there than in ugume-land, isn't it? :mrgreen:

Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 12:04

30 years of stupidity in his own words.
Please wait, video is loading...

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 12:27

ኤርትራዊ ምዃን ኩርዓት።

ሳላ ዝጸናዕና ዝተጸመምና፡
ሳላ ዓቕሊ ዝገብርና ዝሃዳእና፡
ሳላ ዝጠመትና ኣርሒቕና፡
ሳላ ንዓመታ እንበር ንሎሚ ዘይበልና፡
ሳላ ተሓቛቊፍና ሓደ ዝኾና፡
ሳላ ብመትከል ሓቂ ዝተጠመርና፡
ሳላ ዝተኻባበርና ነንሕድሕድና፡
ሳላ ማዕጾና ዘስጠምና ከይሶሉኽ ጓና፡
ሳላ ዝጸናዕና ኣብ ሕድሪ ሰማእታና፡
ሳላ ዘነጸርና መጻኢ ራኢና፡
ሳላ እምቢ ዝበልና ንምጽውትና፡
ሳላ ዘይረሳዕና ጅግንነት ኣቦታትና፡
ሳላ ዝዓቀብና ክቡር ባህልና፡
ሳላ ኣነጺርና ዝፈለጥና ጸላእትና፡
ሳል ንሃገርና ሓንቲ ዘይበቐቕና፡
ሳላ ዝተወደብና ዝነቓሕና ዝዓጠቕና፡
ሳላ ኣብ ዘየድሊ ትም ዝመረጽና፡
ሳላ ምስ ዘዝነፈሰ ዘይነፈስና፡
ሳላ እቲ ቁኑዕ ራኢና ኣብ ልብና ዘንገስና፡
ሳላ ማሕበራዊ ፍትሒ ዝኾነ መትከልና፡
ሳላ ነብሰ ምርኮሳ ዝበልና ክንክእል ነብስና፡
ሳላ ሕድገት ዘፍቅድ ባህልና፡
ሳላ ነቶም ሓያላት ዝመስሎም ዝሞሖና፡
ሳላ ነቶም ስቕታና ፍርሂ ዝመስሎም ዝሰዓርና፡
ሳላ ነቶም ኣብ ጉዳዮም ክእትዉና ዝተዃቱኹና ዘልመስና፡
ሳላ ነቶም ሰላማውያን መሲሎም እሾኽ ዝዘርኡልና ዘምከንና፡
ሳላ ነቶም ብትዃቦ ክማሩኹና ዝደልዩ ዝጸፋዕና፡
ሳላ ነቶም ዕሱባት ከደምቲ ዘቃላዕና፡
ሳላ ኣብነት ናይ ጭቁናት ኮይና ዝወጻእና፡
ሳላ ግዜ ኣብ ረብሓና ዝቐየርና፡
ሳላ ሰላም ኣብ ዞባና ዘንገስና፡
ሕጂ ንበገስ በብዘሎ ዓቕምና፡
ከነበራብር ተኾሊፉ ዝጸንሔ መደብና፡
ብናህሪ ክቕጽል ወፍርና፡
ሃየ ኩልና ንበል ሻማሻማ ንህነጻ ሃገርና።


ዘልኣለማዊ ዝኽሪ ንሰማእታትና፡
ዓወት ንሓፋሽ ህዝብና፡
ገብረንጉስ መስመር

Fiyameta
Member
Posts: 4462
Joined: 02 Aug 2018, 22:59

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Fiyameta » 14 Jan 2022, 12:31




Aba
Member
Posts: 3852
Joined: 15 Apr 2011, 17:52

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Aba » 14 Jan 2022, 14:58

You've already filled it up with the innocent. Generations are locked up in your hell-on-earth Singapoor.
Idiot. How dumb are you?

Zmeselo wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 12:13
We will make a room for you, down there. You seem, to like it! Better there than in ugume-land, isn't it? :mrgreen:

Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 12:04

30 years of stupidity in his own words.
Please wait, video is loading...

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27128
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Zmeselo » 14 Jan 2022, 15:40

Hey, I thought I was doing you a favor.

It's like a mansion down there, for a sewer rat like you.
:lol:


Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 14:58
You've already filled it up with the innocent. Generations are locked up in your hell-on-earth Singapoor.
Idiot. How dumb are you?

Zmeselo wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 12:13
We will make a room for you, down there. You seem, to like it! Better there than in ugume-land, isn't it? :mrgreen:

Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 12:04

30 years of stupidity in his own words.
Please wait, video is loading...

Aba
Member
Posts: 3852
Joined: 15 Apr 2011, 17:52

Re: This virus must go before covid does.

Post by Aba » 14 Jan 2022, 16:39

That's what you do to Real Eritreans, fessfass deqi komarit. How long are they going to stay in that cesspool? Mushmush..
Zmeselo wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 15:40
Hey, I thought I was doing you a favor.

It's like a mansion down there, for a sewer rat like you.
:lol:


Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 14:58
You've already filled it up with the innocent. Generations are locked up in your hell-on-earth Singapoor.
Idiot. How dumb are you?

Zmeselo wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 12:13
We will make a room for you, down there. You seem, to like it! Better there than in ugume-land, isn't it? :mrgreen:

Aba wrote:
14 Jan 2022, 12:04

30 years of stupidity in his own words.
Please wait, video is loading...

Post Reply