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Zmeselo
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TPLF's obsession with genocide and how to end it

Post by Zmeselo » 13 Jan 2022, 15:36



ETHIOPIAN CONFLICT
TPLF's obsession with genocide and how to end it

The TPLF has studied post-genocide Rwanda particularly closely

In Summary

•The ethnic-based divisions and animosity cultivated in Ethiopian society over the years provided the ideal setting for the TPLF to pursue its evil agenda.

•Every time an individual or group demanded for their rights to be respected, TPLF rebranded them as acts of incitement for genocidal violence against Tigrayans


BY WOSSEN MELAKU

https://www.the-star.co.ke/opinion/star ... to-end-it/

12 January 2022


The war in Tigray has caused widespread destruction and displaced nearly two million people. Image: AFP

It is counterintuitive but true. The Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) worked hard to have genocide committed against the innocent people of Tigray that it has taken hostage. But Ethiopia has denied them that opportunity at enormous cost.

Ethiopians now need to focus on disabling and disbanding the hostage-takers once and for all, lest they might not be as lucky next time. Being able to do as one pleases internally and escape scrutiny externally are the two cardinal manifestations of a successful dictatorship. Only a handful of countries may have truly mastered this feat.

Israel and Rwanda achieved them because their societies live in the shadow of a history of genocidal cruelty. Saudi Arabia and a few other petrostates may have secured them in exchange for keeping the international oil market adequately supplied.

TPLF does not own a region or country blessed with a plentiful supply of oil, so Israel and Rwanda seem to provide the only potentially viable model for TPLF to try to emulate. There is evidence that the TPLF has closely studied post-genocide Rwanda.

There is a deceptive simplicity in the way TPLF thinking goes. If a minority, constituting 14 per cent of the national population, could be threatened with near extermination in Rwanda, then with manipulation, incitement, persistent and systematic provocation, and sinister propaganda, TPLF could find it relatively easy to get a few Tigrayans killed and build a plausible case of genocide.

The TPLF journey to reach here had several distinct steps. First, the TPLF anointed itself as the sole representative of the people of Tigray.

Secondly, TPLF re-wrote the history of Tigray as one of victimhood that dates at least to 1889 when Emperor Menelik II moved the Ethiopian capital to its current location and purportedly deprived Tigrayans of their rightful place as the centre of political power in Ethiopian history.

Thirdly, TPLF singled out the Amhara community as the enemy, the group that brought centuries of poverty, oppression and misery on the people of Tigray, and built a narrative centred around its victimhood to mobilize its tribesmen to fight a war of liberation against the Amhara.

Fourthly, on taking power in Addis Ababa in 1991, it introduced ethnicity as the defining source of identity for all Ethiopians, repartitioned the country along linguistic lines and elevated ethnic identity over and above national Ethiopian identity.

Fifthly, it established a quasi-Apartheid system in which ethnic Tigrayans systematically controlled the political, security and economic sectors in the country. Finally, every time an individual or group demanded their rights to be respected, TPLF rebranded them as acts of incitement for genocidal violence against Tigrayans, thereby justifying resort to extreme violence in the name of averting it.

It does not matter that the TPLF were almost always the only perpetrators of extreme violence – for instance when hundreds of ethnic Anuak were killed in 2003, or the hundreds of unarmed protesters were allegedly shot, beaten and strangled to death by the security forces following the 2005 elections in Addis Ababa, or the Ireecha massacre of 2016 in Bishoftu against the Oromos – but they typically alleged being the victims of genocide- any measures they took would then be sold as good-faith attempts to avert genocide.

Genocide, the epitome of human evil, was reduced to a propagandist’s and spin-doctor’s term of convenience that can be bandied around to justify all governmental wrongdoing. During its time in office, TPLF’s reference to genocide against Tigrayans always seemed to go up or down depending on its perception of political control over the country – the shakier its hold of power seemed, the more violent its reactions became.

The period around the 2005 general elections and their contested aftermath stands out in this respect. The Voice of America, for example, quoted election observers who came across ruling party officials comparing the Ethiopian opposition forces to Rwanda’s Interahamwe militia and its role during the 1994 genocide and civil war. According to the Carter Centre, on 9 November 2005,
the government announced that the political and civil society leaders would be charged with treason and genocide.
Likewise, Terence Lyons reported that then Information Minister Bereket Simon described the violent crackdown against unarmed protesters, which left scores dead and wounded from 6 to 8 June 2005, as necessary to prevent
strife between the different nationalities of Ethiopia which might have made the Rwandan genocide looks like child’s play.
Obsession with the word genocide.

Finally, Berhanu Nega, a key leader of the opposition during the 2005 elections who was later sent to jail by the regime, also noted the TPLF’s particular obsession with the word genocide. In short, the TPLF playbook has been to throw the genocidaire label at anyone who dared to challenge them politically, even through the ballot box.

When TPLF finally lost its iron grip on power in 2018, it redeployed the know-how, skills, resources, and networks it had built over 27 years in office to make Ethiopia ungovernable for the new Prime Minister, Abiy Ahmed.

The ethnic-based divisions and animosity it had cultivated in Ethiopian society over the years provided the ideal setting for the TPLF to pursue its agenda. TPLF tried to mobilize every community against every other community – the Sidama against the Wolayta, the Oromo against the Somali, the Guji Oromo against the Gedeo, the Gumuz against the Amhara, the Oromo against the Amhara, the Amhara against the Qemant, the Afar against the Somali and vice versa.

For about two years, TPLF played arsonist and fire brigade, making Tigray an oasis of stability inside a country kept constantly under fire. Allegations of genocide, particularly against the Amhara people in Oromia, Benishangul Gumuz, and Southern regional states, became commonplace.

On 4 November 2020, within hours of launching its long-planned operation against the Northern Command of the ENDF, the TPLF digital propaganda machine went on overdrive and filled the social and mainstream media with well-rehearsed narratives about the Tigray genocide.

The fake propaganda campaign reached ecclesiastical heights when, in May 2021, Abune Mathias, the head of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and a Tigrayan himself, publicly denounced the genocide in Tigray.

Throughout this period, the goal of the genocide propaganda has evolved while the means has remained the same. Until 2018, prolonging TPLF’s time in office was the goal, but today it is about regaining power. It is about achieving these goals by occupying the proverbial moral high ground that would accompany a genocide, presenting themselves as the saviours of a community threatened with extinction.

If it takes the massacre of several Tigrayans to lend plausibility and credibility for such a narrative, TPLF seemed willing to facilitate it, albeit indirectly, by engaging in ethnically selective killing of other Ethiopians in the expectation of retaliation in kind.

The systematic massacre of hundreds of Amhara civilians, most of them wage labourers, at Mai Kadra in November 2020 by TPLF forces appeared calculated to provoke reprisals in kind.

From June 2021, similar massacres were carried out following TPLF’s advance to Amhara and Afar regions against poor peasants and villagers in Chena Teklehaymanot, Kobo, Woldiya, Gashena, Kombolcha, Galicoma, among others.

Over time, the provocations gained in sophistication. In Dessie town, for example, TPLF sleeping cells within the community, made up of Tigrayan residents who had lived there for decades, were successfully deployed to attack Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF) forces.

In Addis Ababa, tens of thousands of Tigrayans were reportedly caught with unregistered, unlicensed and illegal weapons hidden in their homes and offices, some of them complete with explosive devices, radio communication equipment, and military fatigues.

With their notoriety for savage brutality against Amhara and Oromo civilians in western Ethiopia over the past two years, TPLF’s announcement of plans to join hands with the Oromo Liberation Front/Army sent shockwaves through Ethiopia.

Ironically, the more TPLF killed innocent Amhara and Afar people, the louder it screamed about Tigrayans being victims of genocide. Everything the TPLF did fits into a pattern, implying centralized guidance and direction from the top of a rebel movement. No act of a TPLF fighter or unit could be dismissed as the work of renegades or wayward actors.

Writing on the anniversary of the conflict on 4 November 2021, the Financial Times observed that
ethnically charged hate speech is at levels reminiscent of pre-genocide Rwanda.
The genocide that the TPLF had been goading over decades was looking increasingly inevitable. Yet, thankfully, and despite all the methodical, systematic, and persistent provocations, Ethiopians refused to take the bait, they refused to give the gift of genocide to the TPLF.

Atrocities have been committed by all sides throughout this tragic conflict. The joint investigation carried out by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC), and the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) has reported a case involving
the killing of more than 100 people in Axum on 28 November 2020 by the EDF.
There have also been several incidents of death and physical harm against the Tigrayan community. However, the measures taken by the Government so far involve only individual suspects that have been detained and subjected to asset freezes.

Ethiopians have ensured that no trace of systematic harm against the people of Tigray. Genocide is a term to be feared, and the acts constituting it – which are committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial or religious group – to be shunned.

According to a handful of senior TPLF leaders, no Ethiopian could contemplate acts of genocide against their Tigrayan brothers and sisters as a group. Even then, there can be no space for complacency or celebrations yet. Thanks to the work of the TPLF over nearly half a century, an atmosphere of mutual suspicion prevails between different communities in Ethiopia today.

What needs to be done

A durable solution requires systematic efforts to rebuild confidence between these communities, sustained over several years, if not decades. The priority should be to ensure Ethiopia’s refusal to give TPLF the gift of genocide is irreversible, which requires a lot more work going forward.

Community and religious leaders have proven their worth. They need to do more, and we must support them. The government needs to roll out a strategy for national reconciliation to undergird its military victory with a win over the hearts and minds of the people of Tigray and elsewhere.

Users of social and mainstream media need to be encouraged to tone down their rhetoric, act responsibly, and use safe content. And if they fail to do so, they should be held accountable for the wilful dissemination of wrong, misleading or otherwise malicious information.

Next, we need to restore the term genocide to its rightful place – as denoting the most heinous act that must not be allowed to join our standard vocabulary.

When Raphael Lemkin coined the term genocide in 1944, he meant it to signify an act that
shocks the conscience of mankind,
evokes the memory of what Hitler did to the Jews, and sends
shudders down the spines of those who heard it.
Let’s not cheapen or normalize this word. Let us not make it part of our lexicon. Let us fear it, for nothing can inspire more fear than the term genocide.

Once we sanitize our language, let’s then confront the reality that, while we do not have genocide and genocidaires in our midst, we still live in a state of mindless political violence against one another – violence imposed on us by a group of people determined to rule over us without our consent.

Let us rededicate ourselves to a system where the only source of political power is the consent of the Ethiopian people. In conclusion, all of us Ethiopians have suffered too much, albeit not to the same degree, nor with an equal degree of culpability. To this extent, all of us may have justified reasons to want to exact vengeance on one another.

But, once we allow ourselves time to grieve and reflect, all of us Ethiopians need to take a deep breath and ask one critical question, what do we want to bequeath to our children? Do we want grievance and a commitment to an endless cycle of revenge or wisdom and a commitment to a peaceful society based on truth, justice, compassion, and forgiveness?

The answer is clear. We have just shown to the world that we are better than what our adversaries wanted or expected us to be. Let’s build on it.

Melaku is an Ethiopian political analyst and researcher

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27062
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: TPLF's obsession with genocide and how to end it

Post by Zmeselo » 13 Jan 2022, 16:19





The Constitution That Gave TPLF Leeway For Pillaging Ethiopia – OpEd

January 12, 2022

By Sewale Belew*

https://www.eurasiareview.com/12012022- ... opia-oped/

Lingering Tentacles of Article 39

When TPLF managed to get what it called Ethiopia’s Constitution ratified in its 1994 parliamentary assembly, it established Ethiopia as a tribally federated republic under its full custody. This TPLF devised-constitution comprised the principle of self-determination through what it called “democratic-centralism” ruling mechanism that befits well to its covert agenda of making TPLF attain its goal of governing Ethiopia or breaking the country apart and then seceding Tigray as an independent state.

Allegedly, to further its ultimate divisive ends and that of pillaging Ethiopia covertly and overtly, the TPLF injected its own Deddebit made constitution that granted, what it calls: all “Nations, Nationalities, and Peoples” in Ethiopia the absolute right to secede from the nation. To Ethiopian minorities and observers in the global community, Ethiopia seemed self-assured for democratic reform that would end decades of oppression. However, soon after the new Constitution was endorsed, some legal scholars criticized its provision that allows regions within Ethiopia to secede. According to several of these scholars, the provision, pronounced in Article 39, creates an unworkable form of central government by making it too easy for the country to break apart.

Needless to say, as per Article 39, all that a region needs to exercise its right of secession is a referendum passed by a two-thirds majority of its regional parliament and a separate referendum passed by a simple majority of the national parliament. Most of the scholars who have criticized Article 39 assume that its inclusion in the 1994 Constitution was realized as a give and take between TPLF itself and its surrogate tribal groups put jointly under the label – EPRDF-regional representatives. Under this assumption, the EPRDF reluctantly included Article 39 in the Constitution in order to appease regional calls for self-determination rights by minority populations who were inspired by the secession of 1993, mainly hard-pushed by TPLF. In other words, the EPRDF needed to include Article 39 in order to gather ratification support from TPLF mandated regional governments to which the silent voiceless majority of Ethiopians remained spectators of the overall show.

Ever since the ratification of Article 39, which TPLF thought was shoving its knife on the heart of Ethiopia’s national unity, political unrests that persistently took place over and time again demonstrated that this TPLF’s divisive notion is incorrect and futile. No matter what the silent majority Ethiopians ponder about Ethiopia’s sovereignty and national integrity, in due course of time, a new illuminating and explosive theory regarding TPLF’s purpose behind Article 39 under its EPRDF-mantle is quietly gaining acceptance in Ethiopian and among international circles. TPLF’s purpose behind Article 39 has all the hallmarks of a grand conspiracy devised to intentionally implicate what it called as the Federal government established under democratic centralism; and this centralism is the highest levels of the Ethiopian federal government.

According to TPLF and EPRDF remarks, it involves a far-reaching plan with long-term goals; and it involves the use of violence and under-handed politics in order to perpetrate a fraud on the Ethiopian people and the international community. In brief, the new TPLF devised theory is this: the TPLF-dominated EPRDF intentionally included Article 39 in Ethiopia’s 1994 Constitution so that the Tigray region could loot Ethiopia of its resources, use the Ethiopian military to expand the borders of Tigray to having its own seaport, and then secede from Ethiopia, when the time is ripe enough and strategically accommodating to realize this goal. Underlying this theory is the widely held opinion that the TPLF and EPRDF are not independent organizations, but symbiotic.

The evidence supporting this theory comes from several sources. Most importantly, the TPLF leadership had already put its intentions in writing in TPLF’s manifesto known as the “Republic of Greater Tigrai..” Drafted by in 1976, the manifesto outlines an intricate plan for the liberation of Tigray from what it calls “Ethiopian rule”. The plan involves two main steps: (a) re-demarcating Tigray’s borders in all frontiers and to expand the Tigray region’s borders within Ethiopia, and (b) obtaining coastal lands from Eritrea and ultimately seceding as an independent nation of Tigray.

In similar tone, TPLF and its back-up political organizations put under the umbrella of EPRDF have jointly taken several actions that seem to adhere to the plans set forth in the TPLF manifesto since it took over Ethiopia’s central government in 1991. For example, the TPLF/EPRDF have jointly and dramatically developed the Tigray region since they came to power. Before the 1991 Revolution, Tigray was territoriality limited and economically underdeveloped.

Since the Revolution, in addition to trying to acquire Badme from Eritrea (discussed below), Tigray has successfully annexed vast fertile lands from the neighboring regions of, Afar, Assossa, Benishangul, Gondar, and Wollo within Ethiopia. In clandestine, to be disclosed in the long run, it even included the site where the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) has been constructed in the Benishangul-Gumuz region into Greater Tigray so that it can make deals with Egypt and Sudan in manners that befits TPLFs’ grand vision for Tigray.

USA’s affiliation with TPLF

Viewed from US never ending proxy war perpetuation perspectives, Herman Cohen was the US Secretary of State during the reign of President George H. W. Bush (1989-1993). He played a key role in TPLF’s crackdown on the Ethiopian people’s cultural cohesiveness and unity. He did so by persuading the Ethiopian military commanders of the 1980s to “immediately and unconditionally cease fire” during the London talks and, conversely, urging the TPLF to use its full power to gain control of Addis Ababa in 1990. Simultaneously, he made arrangements for Colonel Mengistu Hailemariam to leave the country instantly, which the latter did as requested.

Herman Cohen has always been a TPLF fanatic who recently disclosed in a tweet message the main reason why the Bahir Dar massacre failed by stating:
Failed coup in Ethiopia’s Amhara state was an attempt by ethnic nationalists to restore Amhara hegemony over all of Ethiopia that existed for several centuries prior to 1991. That dream is now permanently dead.
On January 6, 2022, The Chinese Foreign minister disclosed China’s plan to appoint a special envoy to the Horn of Africa to help resolve conflicts in the region. Acciording to the Chinese government vision, mission and making matters real, leaders of the Horn Africa nations should consider convening a peace and security conference. This was affirmed by China’s Foreign Affairs Minister Wang Yi at a briefing he made in Kenya’s port city of Mombasa. He continued his Africa tour that started in Eritrea on Jan. 5, 2022 on to the Comoros. The visit follows the Forum held earlier on China-Africa Cooperation summit in Senegal in November and his visit in Ethiopia in December 2021. These Wang’s comments come as the TPLF insurgency rages in Amhara and Afar regions of Ethiopia and political protests persist in Sudan and Somalia; events that have battered the Horn Africa nations’ economies. China, which is among the biggest financial lenders in Africa, joins hands with other leaders from the continent and the Middle East in trying to halt and resolve conflicts in the Horn. Wang visited Ethiopia in December to show support for Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s government amid a yearlong war with TPLF-rebels. In Kenya, China signed six bilateral agreements with the East African nation on issues including health, poverty reduction and agricultural development, trade promotion and investments.

To counter China’s recent aggressive moves in the Horn of Africa and its plant to appoint a special envoy to the Horn of Africa to help resolve conflicts in the region, the U.S. on its part made a sudden move to appointed Ambassador David Satterfield to replace Jeffrey Feltman as special envoy for the Horn of Africa., to handle matters pertinent to (a) the ongoing civil war instigated by TPLF, (b) the dispute over the construction of a mega-dam on the Nile River, and (c) the political and social upheaval in neighboring Sudan and Somalia.

Feltman traveled to Ethiopia on Thursday, January 6, 2022 and met with Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed in what will be his last trip as special envoy. He was working alongside the African Union negotiator Olusegun Obasanjo and other mediators to end the conflict between PM Abiy’s federal forces and TPLF-dissidents. In less than 24 hours after the meeting, Satterfield’s appointment came as a counteraction to the Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi’s visit in Kenya and his announcement that China plans to appoint its own special envoy to the Horn of Africa.

PM Abiy’s Sudden Surrender to Western Allies Arms-Twisting Pressures

Less than 24 hours after the meeting held with Jeffrey Feltman, PM Abiy had to make a quick and instant decision on January 7, 2022 in order to facilitate his upcoming direct discussion with President Joe Biden by fulfilling primarily set conditions that could possibly be able to appease the Biden administration’s ongoing arms-twisting pressures aired out in Addis Ababa via Feltman. Admittedly the PM himself was shocked when he was told these bitter-pill-like preconditions initially. And without having any choice and not to miss the chance to directly confront President Biden and tell him Ethiopia’s regime side of the situation his government faces with TPLF instigators. The sudden “amnesty” decisions he made were not as such judicially concluded legal pardon, but amnesty out of sheer concern for aged people’s health conditions who cannot escape facing judgement whenever required by the judicious court order in future.

His surrender to the arms-twisting deals provoked by the Western powers was inescapable viewed from the country’s current grave and troubling situations deliberately and enviously instigated by TPLF mercenary fighters and their Trojan horse OLF-Shenne bandits. Putting aside emotional anger and heartbreaking feelings we all suffered from in recent days, realistically speaking, with all the suffering of the Ethiopian people yet to resolve, Ethiopia cannot afford to fight against well-armed and highly experienced Western neocolonialists, but to buy time through diplomatically smart decisions until Ethiopia recovers from the heavy societal poor conditions created by recent havoc of all kinds.

As President Issayas Afeworki has correctly and unflinchingly told the truth in recent days, the war with TPLF instigators is not yet over. To date, TPLF is flexing its muscles in all directions of Tigray and has already invaded once again those freed parts of Waja, Kobo, Alamata, Waldiba and Mai Tsemri in the Amhara region and continuing its push towards Humeraa and Tsegede localities. It is even threatening to further invade Gondar and to take over the corridor of Armachuho and Tsegede along the Tekeze River side.

Amidst such conditions, PM Abiy had no choice but to ascertain his obedience to the US and NATO Allies, who are mainly interested to counter China, Russia and Turkey and stop the Chinese aggressive move to gain easy access to the region. Cognizant about the fact that the US and it NATO allies have been putting the long-suspected arms-twisting pressures upon him, just to appraise in favor of TPLF that has been a longtime ally of the West, PM Abiy, on his part, had to come up with quick answers that fulfill immediate primary conditions demanded by the West.

Instantly, PM Abiy was sending more positive signals including the release of prisoners and his openness to carry on the dialogue with opposition parties and those warring factions in Ethiopia. To him, these actions could somehow repeal the jeopardy challenges surrounding the mere existence and functioning of his own administration. Hence, in less than 48 hours after Feltman left Addis Ababa, President Biden commended PM Abiy on his recent release of key political prisoners. The two leaders further emphasized the importance of the U.S.-Ethiopia relationships, the potential to strengthen cooperation on a range of issues pertaining to Ethiopia, and the need for concrete progress to resolve the conflict through accelerated dialogue toward a negotiated ceasefire, the urgency of improving humanitarian access across all troubled areas within Ethiopia, and the need to address the human rights concerns.

By so doing, PM Abiy appears to be offering an olive branch to end more than a year of conflict instigated by TPLF in the Afar, Amhara and Tigray regions. Certainly, to this effect, in a tweet, PM Abiy described his conversation with President Biden as “candid” and said the two had discussed on strengthening cooperation that may likely iron-out the currently existing defaults in these regions.

Obviously, TPLF-leadership and their treasonous crimes have obviously costed Ethiopia and its defense forces by numerus legs, limbs and lives for over half a century since the advent of their struggle in Deddbit, Kola-Tembien. The continuing atrocities still being committed by TPLF and its running dogs like OLF-Shenne are equally causing causalities and atrocities on innocent civilians lives, infrastructures and national resource.

Paving the Way for Brutal Atrocities

Why is the instinct for TPLF leadership’s revenge so strong even when it is clear that widespread death and destruction would be a much more likely outcome of such vengeance actions than any kind of “victory”? TPLF’s thinking line of revenge and the hatred on which it rests makes it entirely credible for TPLF and its followers to have the courage to advance its retaliation against what it calls:
to deter the Amhara threat of future exploitation.
For TPLF, revenge is more of an emotional situation that gets activated routinely and provides a strong drive in Tigray people’s mind, who feel they have been mistreated by the Amhara for generations. TPLF’s persistent reason for retaliation against the Amhara is strong enough that, even when no benefit can accrue from launching an initial assault, as it did on the Ethiopian Northern Defense Forces, it will carry it out by all means even in future.

TPLF’s such unusual, poisonous and exaggerated actions to achieve its goals are as follows: (1) Our mission is based on the belief that the people of Tigray are the source of all political power. (2) The blood, existence, and struggle of the Tigray community are based on the soil of Tigray. (3) The loyalty of the people of Tigray to the TPLF and the government of Tigray is greater than any structural loyalty. Therefore, the people of Tigray, as a community of Tigray, are connected by blood, soul and, mentally, as one body. (4) To achieve our goal, the TPLF must take full control of all aspects of life for the people of Tigray. (5) The people of Tigray must be prepared and willing to accept that it is a constant struggle and, without hindrance, moving forward. (6) Tigray itself, despite being considered a minority nation, has the absolute right to own and maintain its own place of residence, the people of Tigray, who are dominated by its efforts for success. (7) As determined citizens of Tigray, in our struggle for our rights, we must always be strong and strive for the ultimate victory. We must also hope. (8) As a people of Tigray descent, we are surrounded by enemies throughout our borders. (9) We will save our lives by relying on the support of Western powers for any attempt at genocide against our people. (10) In the end, the Tigray region will rise up in its own struggle and thrive on the bed of our past Ethiopia.

The masses or the people of Tigray, especially the younger generation of Tigray who have been born and brought up during the reign of TPLF, have been brainwashed and poisoned by the TPLF. The TPLF has turned the people of Tigray into disobedience to Tigray’s traditional and other religious and other social leaders. The TPLF has repeatedly fought to undermine the consciousness of the Tigrayan people, creating a fear of genocide that could otherwise happen. Introduce them to the concept of Greater Tigray by deliberately training young cadres who can fill the confidence of the people. Eventually, the people of Tigray accepted the TPLF as the sole political leader and could lead to greater independence in Greater Tigray. This absolute loyalty has led them to submit to the extremist political leadership of the TPLF. Since then, the TPLF has been writing books about the “Greater Tigray” in its youthful mind, and it is certain that most of the youth of Tigray will benefit from the TPLF’s policies and practices. They seem to believe in this TPLF doctrine.

TPLF has been in control of the country for the past 30 years. Especially the TPLF cadres, who are closely monitored and trained by the TPLF cadres in Tigray, have been governing themselves with the poisonous conscience of the TPLF, believing that the TPLF is the “image of God” to liberate Tigray. A special benefit to them. At the same time, mothers have been blessed and encouraged by their teenage children to buy whatever the TPLF wants.

On the other hand, the people of Tigray are still facing a series of endless conflicts without proper compensation. Their lives for the benefit of the ruling TPLF elite. The youth of Tigray have been, and continue to be, subject to the ‘ruling TPLF political culture’ that has been broadcast in Tigray, media, educational institutions, and other institutional shows in the region. This new culture is intended to benefit the people of Tigray, with special rules, values and exclusions in order to maintain TPLF dominance. Currently, for example, TPLF Diaspora cadres are alienating families from Tigray, particularly individuals from the Amhara ethnic groups and peoples, and isolating themselves from any social activity.

To add fuel to an ongoing fire, TPLF’s continuously committed atrocities and similar attacks waged by its running dogs like OLF-Shenne are causing causalities and death on innocent civilians, devastating destruction on infrastructures and national resource. For over three decades, those TPLF planted and mushroomed tribalism-led hate speech, racism, and xenophobia have already escalated into a full-blown conflict causing killings of innocent lives and evictions from places of inhabitance. With such TPLF instigated issues at the core, it is difficult to solve any of the ethnic or tribalism problems without correcting the political and historical narratives provided in the constitution itself and without attempting to halt the resultant societal problems caused by tribalism.

President Issayas Afeworki of Eritrea, President Kagame of Rwanda, President Musseveni of Uganda, and many more societal critics, have persistently reminded PM Abiy and his government to give priority to ironing out the tribally-led TPLF-EPRDF-constitution and to bring Ethiopia to a stage of a harmonious, united, peaceful and stable country. But to our dismay, it seems their sincere and righteous warnings and plea have fallen on deaf ears thus far. For as long as PM Abiy carries forward with the ongoing TPLF-EPRDF-tribal-led-constitution and administrative agendas, he is simply carrying forward the tribal-led balances of the former TPLF-EPRDF regime’s constitution, which will continue to keep Ethiopia in constant, unabated and futile civil strives in future.

TPLF’s Dream for Realizing Greater Tigray

TPLF’s thinking line of revenge and the hatred on which it rests makes it entirely credible for TPLF and its followers to have the courage to advance its retaliation against what it calls:
to deter the Amhara threat of future exploitation.
To achieve its sinister objectives,

So, TPLF has always been on its looting spree within Ethiopia since the mid-1970s. Throughout these decades until the present, TPLF continues to misrepresent Tigray’s and Ethiopia’s known history to the extent of claiming to have its roots in Yemen. It keeps on playing victim, and manipulates information as it befits its own survival and triumphant objectives. TPLF and its TPLF-hatched political sibling associations gathered under the “EPRDF umbrella” have persistently perpetrated a grand fraud on the Ethiopian people and even on global humanitarian and donor communities.

As an entity, the TPLF / EPRDF/ has established a facade of democracy in order to garner both internal support and international aid. Since 1991, the Tigray-dominated central government has systematically undermined that democracy and diverted Ethiopia’s resources into Tigray. In addition, the TPLF/EPRDF has created a Constitution that gives Tigray the “unconditional right” to secede from Ethiopia based on the self-determination principle. In pursuit of a “Greater Tigrai,” the TPLF has expanded the borders of Tigray and has continued to attempt to gain its own regional access to the Red Sea. Recently, it was demanding the UN to enable Tigray to gain the Port of Assab.

It remains to be seen whether or not the TPLF would ever be able to realize these goals set forth in the “Republic of Greater Tigrai.” Undoubtedly, TPLF’s plans were set back immensely by Ethiopia’s failure to capture key territories in the Ethiopia-Eritrea border dispute. The decision handed down by the Eritrea – Ethiopia Boundary Commission further hindered the TPLF.

Ethiopians have tolerated TPLF’s 27 years of: (a) iron rules of ethnic chauvinism elevated as national constitution and (b) blatant corruption and favoritism along ethnic lines. So, regardless of whether or not Tigray ever actually tries to secede, Ethiopia’s recent history has presented the following unique questions to the US and its NATO allies who persistently push proxy wars to maintain their geopolitical and economic interests around the globe: What is the legitimate significance of a constitutional right of secession? Must the US and its NATO allies respect such a secession right when it is based in deception? What duty does the U.N. weakened by the control of the US and its NATO allies have to intervene when a dominant minority population organized under TPLF uses the concept of self-determination in order to oppress other minorities?

Let truth be told. The United States and its NATO allies jointly, have chosen to ignore these and other critical questions regarding the sovereign state of Ethiopia. Their only burning concern has been and still remains to be their vested interest of preserving TPLF as a renowned ally in the “war on terror”; and not that much their concern about the legitimacy of Ethiopia’s internal “democracy.” By blindly aiding the TPLF, the United States risks creating a populous in Ethiopia rich with anti-American sentiment. The secession of Tigray would only provoke more anger and ultimately create the potential for more terror directed at American interests. The world cannot afford to ignore the hidden agenda of the TPLF any longer.
Last edited by Zmeselo on 13 Jan 2022, 17:43, edited 5 times in total.

Zmeselo
Senior Member+
Posts: 27062
Joined: 30 Jul 2010, 20:43

Re: TPLF's obsession with genocide and how to end it

Post by Zmeselo » 13 Jan 2022, 16:42





Gov’t Urges WHO Director General To Recuse Himself From All Matters Concerning Ethiopia

https://www.fanabc.com/english/govt-urg ... -ethiopia/

Addis Ababa, January 13, 2022 (FBC) –The Permanent Mission of Ethiopia to the UN has urged WHO Director General to immediately recuse himself from all matters concerning Ethiopia.
Partisan and politically & personally motivated staff, blindsided from serving their global roles, curtail the most needed work of UN agencies,
it said in a tweet yesterday.

In a statement today, the Government Communication Service also expressed its concern over the negative and unfair remarks by the Director General about the current situation in Ethiopia.
While the terrorist group TPLF invaded the Amhara and Afar districts and looted hospitals, medical centers, schools, and universities, killing and raped civilians, international institutions such as the WHO remained mute,
it said.
Those international institutions maintained their one-sided, biased perspective, ignoring all of the harm that the terrorist group TPLF has inflicted upon the people of Amhara and Afar,
it added.


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:lol: 👏👏👏

I think he should just toss it in the rubbish bin and ask them to come pick it up!

Goitom Jegné

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