Mereja Forum

[Zmeselo]

This analysis is very simplistic, but I'm posting it here just for the purpose of informing what's been said "out there".

On the surface, the point of the article is ok & positive. What the author is forgetting though, while its staring the author right in the face, is that the peace deal was signed already in 2000! So the TPLF has been the stakeholder & with a say, throught all those years. And what is said was:

"No! We don't accept the EEBC ruling!!!"

So what more is there to talk about, besides the fact that as a mere killil, it should tow the line with what the Federal Govt decides on issues of foreign policy & security.

One would think!

ISS Today >
The Eritrea-Ethiopia peace deal is yet to show dividends



Tensions in both countries relating to Ethiopia’s Tigray regional state are hampering progress.

11 SEP 2020

BY SELAM TADESSE DEMISSIE

https://issafrica.org/iss-today/the-eri ... -dividends

It’s been over two years since the much-heralded rapprochement between Eritrea and Ethiopia culminated in a peace and friendship agreement in July 2018. The deal, brewed personally by Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali and President Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea, symbolised an end to the 20 years of no war, no peace situation and the start of cordial relations between the two countries.

The settlement was internationally praised for its potential to stabilise the region beyond improving the two countries’ affairs. Abiy even received the 2019 Nobel Peace Prize for his efforts to build bridges with Eritrea.

Two years later, positive steps have been taken in some areas, but not in others due to tensions between Ethiopia’s federal government and Tigray regional state, and unresolved animosity between Tigray and Eritrean leaders.



The dispute over the small border town of Badme, which both Eritrea and Ethiopia claimed as their own, is often cited as the reason for the outbreak of the 1998-2000 border conflict. However the root causes go deeper.

They include historical rivalry, political and economic differences and hegemonic competition between the ruling elites of both countries. These were the Eritrean leadership, and the ruling party in Ethiopia’s Tigray State – the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) – Ethiopia’s dominant political party until Abiy came to power.

The Eritrea-Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC), established to resolve the border issue, decided in 2002 that Badme should belong to Eritrea. A failure to implement the EEBC’s decision led to the stand-off between the two countries.

In the 2018 peace deal, the leaders agreed to begin political, economic, social, cultural and security cooperation. They decided to resume diplomatic, transport, trade and communication ties that had been frozen for two decades. The leaders resolved to implement the EEBC decision and jointly ensure regional peace, development and cooperation.

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Twenty years after the border war, and despite the peace deal, the main protagonists are still fighting

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Since then, progress in reconnecting the two countries has been made in key areas. Numerous high-level leadership visits took place, diplomatic relations were normalised and embassies reopened. Daily flights between Addis Ababa and Asmara were established and phone connections resumed. Four border posts were opened, although they were closed after a short period.

Talks about infrastructure and transport linkages, such as Ethiopia’s use of Eritrean ports (including a feasibility study for a railway https://eritreahub.org/ethiopia-plans-r ... th-eritrea between Massawa and Addis Ababa) and rebuilding of roads, dominated discussions. Other symbolic soft power and people-to-people interactions took place. United Nations sanctions on Eritrea were lifted.

The high-profile start of the rapprochement raised expectations, both at home and internationally, that 20 years of tension and mistrust could be eroded. Two years later, this potential has waned, paralysing anticipated socio-economic gains for people in both countries. And the cause is mostly tensions between Ethiopia’s federal and Tigray officials, and ongoing conflict between the TPLF and Eritrean leadership – just like old times.

Ethiopia’s Tigray regional state and Eritrea share the border that was contested. Badme is also under Tigray administration, and so the region’s TPLF leaders share responsibility for implementing the EEBC’s decision. But the peace process was initiated from Addis Ababa, and there wasn’t adequate consultation and consensus building among stakeholders like the TPLF.

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The peace process failed to adequately consult some stakeholders like the TPLF

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This exclusion – together with other political differences relating to ideology, foreign policy, governance and elections – have worsened the division between Abiy’s government and the TPLF’s rule in Tigray. One point of contention involves how to engage with Eritrea.

Abiy, in his April 2018 inaugural speech, announced his administration’s unconditional acceptance of the stalled Algiers agreement signed in 2000 and aimed at ending the border war. In February 2020, Debretsion Gebremichael – the TPLF’s highest official – said a structured peace process was needed that included all relevant sides, not just the two national leaders.

Implementation of the 2018 deal cannot occur without buy-in from all relevant government actors in Tigray. Consensus is also needed within the respective agencies of both Ethiopia and Eritrea and all other relevant stakeholders.

The four border posts that were opened and quickly closed symbolise the lack of consensus among federal and state agencies on both sides around regulating movement and trade across national boundaries. Proper consultations would have allowed time to develop harmonised positions and enact new regulations.

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Implementation of the 2018 deal requires buy-in from all the relevant government actors in Tigray

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Unresolved hostility between Eritrea’s and the Tigray region’s ruling elites also hampers progress. Isaias accused the TPLF of complicating implementation of the EEBC’s decision, which the TPLF denied. Isaias also claims the TPLF created division among Eritreans, organising ethnic-based opposition and spreading misinformation to spoil relations between Eritreans and Ethiopians. The TPLF in turn accuses Eritrea of interfering https://www.capitalethiopia.com/feature ... y-forward/ in Ethiopia’s internal affairs and threatening regional security.

Twenty years after the bloody border war, and despite the new peace deal, the conflict’s main protagonists – the TPLF and the Eritrean leadership – are still fighting.

Given the increasingly serious confrontation between Mekele and Addis Ababa and the unresolved animosity between Mekele and Asmara, the TPLF feels unfairly targeted from both sides. Without political will and confidence building between the TPLF, Abiy and Isaias, the peace deal may not bear fruit.

Resolution of the conflict between Ethiopia and Eritrea is imperative for advancing economic and development prospects in the Horn. Sustainable peace and the benefits that it will bring can only be achieved if the 2018 agreement is implemented.

The priority is to de-escalate tensions between the Federal Government of Ethiopia and the Tigray region. Consultation and confidence building is equally important between Eritrea and Tigray’s leadership and people. Only then will the new peace deal stand a chance of bringing much-needed stability to the people of both countries and the region.

Selam Tadesse Demissie, Research Officer, Horn of Africa Security Analysis, ISS Addis Ababa.

[Zmeselo]

The result of this year's good rains!
(Biniam Berhe: @biniamb)





ሓልሓለ፡ ብኮርፓረሽን ዘራእትን ጥሪትን ዝካየድ ዘሎ ኣብ 500 ሄክታር፡ ኣስታት 4 ሽሕ መፍረ ከብቲ ንጸባን ውጺኢት ጸባን፡ 60 ከብቲ ክሓልብ ዝኽእል ዘመናዊ መሳሪሒታት ተዋዲዱ ንደቂ እቲ ከባቢ ናይ ስራሕ ዕድል ዝኸፈተ ፕሮጀክት፡
(Taezazabraha: @taezazabraha)

[Zmeselo]

Eternal friendships, are created in Sawa.
(#SawaAt26: @DahlaKib)


Happy Kudus Yohannes & happy Geez new year, to all Eritreans & Ethiopians. To all Ethiopians celebrating new year, may this new year bring you peace, love and prosperity!
Credit picture: @hannahjoyTV
(Mussie Sibhatu: @Can_Do_People)

[Awash]

How many prisons did the Agame junta build?

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[Zmeselo]

In Part 3 of the discussion (in English) b/n Prof. Mohammed Hassan & Elias Amare on "Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa & Beyond", they focus on "elections in Tigray" & the sinister conflict vultures and anti-peace external forces of destabilization in the Horn of Africa

[Awash]

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[Temt]

Indelible Facts and Dispelling Distortions
By: Dr. Fikrejesus Amahazion
Sep 12, 2020



Last week, on 5 September, the BBC’s Tigrinya online platform featured an article titled, “Why there are fears that Ethiopia could break up”. As suggested by the title, the article mainly focused on the various internal challenges recently faced by Ethiopia and whether these could lead to a disintegration of the country. However,in several partsofthe article there were referencesmade to Eritrea that were highly problematic and plainly wrong, constituting a huge disservice to readers. Unfortunately, this is not the first time that BBC or BBC Tigrinya has published problematic articles or claims. For years, the media organization (and much of the mainstream and Western media) have misrepresented Eritrea (as well as many other countries in Africa and the Global South), distorting or omitting facts, demeaning Eritrea’s narratives, and featuring biased, highly flawed reports. In the following article, I will try to dispel the latest distortions and put some of the misinformation to rest.

At the outset, to avoid any potential misunderstandings, allow me to state that peace is a fundamental imperative in the Horn of Africa. We should all be genuinely working for peace, cooperation, and development for and between the countries and peoples of our region. The historic moves toward peace and cooperation that have unfolded in our region in recent years are extremely positive and have been extremely exciting. They should continue to be strengthened and consolidated.

To return to the topic at hand here, in one section of the BBC Tigrinya article, the author states that, “Tens of thousands were killed in the [1998- 2000] conflict after Eritrea launched an offensive to gain control of the town of Badme from Ethiopia’s Tigray region.” The problem here is not only that the author fails to provide an adequate chronology of events or offer proper contextualization and background, but he also leaves readers with the impression that Eritrea triggered the conflict, and that the conflict was about Badme only, which are false.

The reality is much different. Eritrea won its independence from Ethiopia in 1991 after waging one of the longest national wars for liberation in modern African history. After its outright military victory over Africa’s largest, best-equipped army in 1991, the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) quickly began preparations for a referendum to allow the Eritrean people to finally determine their political future. Two years later, in 1993, Eritrea was formally welcomed into the international community of nations as Africa’s fifty-second nation-state after an internationally-monitored referendum in which Eritreans overwhelmingly voted in favor of independence.

Upon independence, with minimal foreign aid or external influence, Eritrea embarked upon the monumental task of reconstructing and rebuilding its war-shattered country and economy. Despite the sheer scale of the challenge, the early signs were promising and the period was marked by considerable progress and high levels of joy and optimism. Notably, led by the People’s Front for Democracy and Justice (PFDJ, which replaced the EPLF in 1994), Eritrea shared particularly close relations and warm ties with new government in Ethiopia. The Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), was the dominant political organization within Ethiopia’s four-party coalition government (EPRDF) with whom the EPLF had cooperated to overthrow the Mengistu Haile Mariam regime in 1991.

The two countries established joint commissions and a mutual defense pact and enjoyed strong political and security relations. Social, cultural, and economic ties between Eritrea and Ethiopia were also robust. The countries maintained an open border, leading to high levels of cross-border trade, commerce, and movement of labor. Eritrea’s top trade partner was Ethiopia, and the latter used the Eritrean ports in Assab and Massawa at symbolic rates and without any hindrance.

However, despite the warm relations and close cooperation, problems steadily began to arise. On numerous occasions, TPLF militias and authorities took aggressive actions against Eritrean farmers and civilians in the border regions. Thesemilitias and authorities often confiscated land and property, accusing Eritreans of trespassing into Tigrayan territory. Notably, during some of the incidents, of which there were many, there was a loss of lives. In their excellent work, Blood, Land, and Sex, published in 2003, Favali and Pateman describe, “From as early as 1990, when the TPLF took Tigray from the Dergue, border incidents increased in ferocity. The TPLF’s tactics were reminiscent of those followed by the old Abyssinian rulers: first of all, it attempted to tax the Eritreans living near the border and force them to pay tribute. When the villagers refused to do so and complained to the Eritrean authorities, the TPLF/EPRDF began to use force.”

Despite the clear and longstanding evidence of Eritrean sovereignty in the area, the incidents continued to occur and even intensified. In July and August of 1997, the Ethiopian military entered into the areas of Bada and Badme, expelling locals and dismantling the Eritrean administrations. Additionally, in 1997, Tigray released new official maps, images of which were then also emblazoned on new currency notes, which had redrawn longstanding internationally recognized boundaries to incorporate large parts of Eritrea and adjacent Ethiopian regions.

Although Eritrea was naturally heavily concerned by the unfolding of these events, it sought to contain things and resolve everything peacefully. On several occasions, local Eritrean officials and administrators met with their Ethiopian counterparts to express their concerns and propose a peaceful solution. In August of 1997, Eritrea’s President Isaias Afwerki, sent two respectful letters to the then Ethiopian Prime Minister to protest and express concern about Ethiopia’s actions. He also expressed restraint and suggested the establishment of a joint border commission to resolve the situation.

Eventually, a joint commission was created, comprising high-level government officials from both countries. It held its first meeting in November 1997 in Asmara and planned to meet after several months.

However, in the meantime, the incidents in the border regions continued to occur and Ethiopia took more Eritrean territories under its control. On 6 May 1998, before the second meeting of the joint high-level border commission, Ethiopia launched a carefully planned attack on Eritrean armed patrols on routine duty in the Badme region. A number of Eritreans were killed. This incident set off a chain reaction on both sides, ultimately culminating in the Ethiopian Parliament accusing Eritrea of aggression in Badme and then declaring war on Eritrea on 13 May 1998.

Contrary to the claim in the article, which gives readers the wrong impression, the conflict was not caused by Eritrea. Rather, it was the result of the “TPLF’s persistent incursions into Eritrean territory, an act that can only be explained in terms of the expansionist tendencies of that Front’s leadership” (Tesfai 1998). Of course, the previous ruling regime in Ethiopia had frequently made claims to large territories that were long recognized as Eritrean. That Badme was not the main or central issue for the war is further evidenced by the Ethiopian military’s build-up at Zalambessa, the Assab border, and elsewhere along the boundary with Eritrea.

In another part of the article, the author claims, “Nor has the status of Badme been resolved.” This is actually false. The status of Badme is clear: through the Eritrea Ethiopia Boundary Commission (EEBC), an international arbitration process, the status of Badme was decided in April 2002 at the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague. The EEBC’s final and binding ruling determined that Badme is a part of Eritrea. It is thus an Eritrean town that remains under illegal military occupation by foreign forces.

These are the indelible facts. In the end, undoubtedly, the conflict was a great and avoidable tragedy to both countries. It began a long, dark chapter in relations between both countries and had immeasurable costs. As noted at the outset of the article, the initiatives for peace and cooperation that have unfolded in recent years have been exciting and positive. We all have the obligation and responsibility to build upon and strengthen them in order to move our people, countries, and the region forward.