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Abdisa
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THE END TIMES: In The Twilight Hours, Mengistu Sold the Falasha to Israel for $35 Million; Tigray Officials Selling Bahir Dar to Israeli Bureaucrats

Post by Abdisa » 27 Dec 2017, 22:47

XXX
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Report: Minister took investors, activists on Ethiopia trip without permission

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During the trip, Kara arranged meetings for the group with a number of top Ethiopian officials, including the foreign minister, agriculture minister, and the head of the country’s investment commission. The report said Kara was present at those meetings.

In addition to the meetings in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia’s capital, the delegation also visited Bahir Dar, a district in the north of the country with attractive land investments. Kara did not appear to have any official meetings while there, according to the report.

Upon their return to Israel, Kara’s associates used the contacts they made on the trip to try and broker land deals on behalf of Israeli investors, according to the report.


Read more....
https://www.timesofisrael.com/report-mi ... ermission/

Abdisa
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Re: THE END TIMES: In The Twilight Hours, Mengistu Sold the Falasha to Israel for $35 Million; Tigray Officials Selling Bahir Dar to Israeli Bureaucrats

Post by Abdisa » 27 Dec 2017, 23:13


Trump to Cut Aid to Tigray


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George H.W. Bush, desperate to win Security Council support for war against Iraq in 1990, bribed Ethiopia, Colombia and Zaire with new aid packages and previously prohibited weapons.

https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/260589 ... antagonism


Abdisa
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Posts: 3232
Joined: 25 Apr 2010, 19:14

Re: THE END TIMES: In The Twilight Hours, Mengistu Sold the Falasha to Israel for $35 Million; Tigray Officials Selling Bahir Dar to Israeli Bureaucrats

Post by Abdisa » 28 Dec 2017, 02:20

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In Ethiopia, when the shooting got closer
  • In the Amhara region, the eye of the storm, an Israeli witnesses deadly clashes that threaten to plunge the nation into chaos
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Tigray troops in Bahir Dar (Courtesy Micha Odenheimer)


BAHIR DAR, Ethiopia: What does it feel like at ground zero of a popular uprising? For the past two decades, Ethiopia has been considered one of Africa’s success stories. Its rate of economic growth has been the measure of all things, even as a once-promising democracy has hardened into authoritarian party rule.

In recent days, Ethiopia has seen a stampede kill scores of protesters whose deaths are blamed on security forces, spurring further clashes. On Monday, Israel issued an advisory to its citizens traveling to Ethiopia, the second of its kind in several weeks. The earlier warning came shortly after I returned from Ethiopia, where I found myself in the eye of the storm in the Amhara region in the country’s center. Towns there have been in open revolt against the federal government, which has sent in thousands of troops in an effort to regain control.

These eruptions — the latest in Oromia, southeast of Addis Ababa, and the unrest I encountered in Amharia in August — are fueling the east African nation’s worst conflagration since 1991, when rebels from the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) took control in Addis Ababa, ending the rule of communist dictator Mengistu Haile Mariam.

During my visit in August, I found myself an incidental witness to the alchemy of transformation, the moment when political protests morph into violent insurrection. What happens in Ethiopia will reverberate across Africa — and with its deep cultural, political and economic ties to Israel, these worrying developments will resonate here as well.

The first sign that something was amiss was that the WiFi in my hotel in Addis Ababa wasn’t working. The demure young woman behind the counter gave me a meaningful look when I asked her whether there was somewhere else in the area I could find an internet connection. “Nowhere,” she said, with a bitter edge in her voice. I knew that the government strictly controlled internet access, sometimes turning it off when a protest was planned so as to neutralize the organizing power of Facebook and WhatsApp. “Is it the government?” I asked. She nodded, almost imperceptibly, and lowered her voice. “They managed to stop the Oromo,” she said, referring to the most populous Ethiopian ethnicity, centered to the south and east of Addis Ababa where demonstrations had been quelled. “But the Amhara? Maybe not.”

I was due to fly the next day, together with a friend, Yehoshua Engelman, to Bahir Dar, one of Ethiopia’s most beautiful cities and the capital of the Amhara region. I had first traveled to Ethiopia in the summer of 1990 when 25,000 Ethiopian Jews were waiting to move to Israel. It was love at first sight for me, and I had returned many times since then. For Yehoshua, who, like me, is an Israeli and a rabbi, it was the first time.
  • ‘We want the old Ethiopia back again, before the government divided and conquered us’
We’d come to Bahir Dar for sightseeing. But when we arrived, a crowd had already begun to gather, internet blackout or not. It all seemed spontaneous: A small group of young men could be seen walking nonchalantly towards the town’s central square from the south, a few more wandered in from the west; human droplets coalescing into a stream. By the time we caught up with the crowd, there were hundreds, and then thousands, and finally tens of thousands, walking towards a bridge on the northern outskirts of the town. Alongside the bridge was a large army camp, and rumor had it that trapped on the other side were activists from Gondar, an Amhara stronghold where five protestors had been killed several weeks before. The plan was for the Bahir Darians to meet the Gondar delegation and bring them back safely across the bridge.

A young man with a tuft of hair growing from his chin appointed himself our guide. His name was Mesfin, and he had graduated with a BA in Natural Resource Management from Bahir Dar University, but had been unable to find a job for more than a year “This protest is about three things,” he said, choosing his words with precision. “Identity, democracy and unfair distribution of resources. If you are not a member of the ruling party,” he lamented, “or at least part of their ethnic group —the Tigrayans — you can’t get any of the good jobs. That’s the identity part. And democracy? There is no democracy! The entire parliament is from one party! The army is controlled by the party! So are the big businesses. And now the government is taking land that was traditionally Amhara and making it part of Tigray.”

The pop, pop of gunfire could be heard from far away, muffled by the distance. As a river of us walked towards the bridge, a mighty stream was moving quickly in the opposite direction. “No good,” said a middle-aged man wearing a battered fedora who was walking fast, away from the bridge. He paused for moment. One finger pointing outwards, he hit his right hand cross-wise against his left wrist in a mime of a rifle aiming and shooting. We kept walking. The sound of gunfire subsided.

A quarter of an hour later, we saw a mass of people in the distance. Smoke rose from a building we could just make out on the right. And then, without warning, there were more gunshots, no longer remote, and hundreds of people stampeded past us, away from the shooting. We didn’t know it then, but dozens of demonstrators had been mortally wounded in that second flurry of gunfire.

Soldiers in combat fatigues rushed past us and disappeared, as demonstrators scattered and hid in the farmland on the side of the road. With the soldiers gone, the crowd reassembled, walking now towards town, chanting and singing ecstatically. A group of young men held a large rectangular flag above the crowd — three stripes, green, yellow, and red. “You see the flag,” Mesfin said. “It’s the old flag of Ethiopia, without the star in the middle, and the diagonal lines.” He explained that the ruling Tigrayan led coalition — the EPRDF — had altered the flag. “It’s supposed to symbolize Ethiopia’s ethnic diversity, but for us it represents Ethiopia disintegrating into chaos.”

The EPRDF had federalized the country by creating ethnic states. Ostensibly, this was in order to give more autonomy to the different tribes and languages that form Ethiopia’s rich ethnic mosaic. Unlike the Amhara, who had imposed their culture, language and rule on Ethiopia’s tribes, the Tigrayans would recognize and affirm the myriad ethnic identities within the country. But the EPRDF had installed their loyalists in the local government of each state. The widespread perception was that the government favored Tigrayans in terms of jobs, development projects, and business opportunities. Federalization, combined with lack of democracy, had inflamed ethnic tensions. “The flag means we want the old Ethiopia back again,” Mesfin added, “before the government divided and conquered us.”

The crowd thickened and swirled — an eddy in the human river — in front of a government building guarded by soldiers. “Laiba, laiba,” — thieves, thieves — the crowd taunted the soldiers. Teenagers in the crowd began to throw stones at a billboard with a message from the government, tearing craters in the board, and suddenly there was shooting, and the smell of teargas in the air. The crowd dispersed, and we ran too, into a maze of dirt-paved alleyways and finally into another large street. A cloud of smoke rose from a tear-gas grenade; we tried to avoid it, but our eyes burned and our lungs felt scorched. It’s Mesfin’s first experience with tear gas. “Will this do permanent damage to my lungs?” he asks, his voice quivering with apprehension.

People were huddling behind locked doors and shuttered windows, but we found a café whose door is a crack open; when we approach, the owner pulled us in. Seven or eight men and women were sitting around the large room, trapped by the soldiers and the shooting.

“How many demonstrators were killed?” we asked. For the rest of our time in Bahir Dar, this is the question everyone asks each other; nobody really knows the answer. Everyone ventures a number — 28, or 40, or 60 — but qualifies what they say with “This is what I heard,” or “A friend saw 20 bodies in just one hospital.”

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“Where are you from?” we are queried. We are Israeli”, we answered. And the classic response in the Ethiopian highlands: “Israel, oh, we love Israel. You are our zemat, our family.” Bahir Dar is close to some of the villages from which thousands of Falash Mura, Ethiopian Jews converted to Christianity by missionaries 100 years ago, emigrated to Israel. Thousands more are still in Gondar, hoping their turn for aliyah will come. That’s why we are not surprised when one of the women says to us: “Do you know Hadera? My cousin is in Hadera.”

A man of about forty, wearing dress pants and a pink shirt, completes the inevitable pattern of Ethiopian conversation with an Israeli: “You are Christian, right?”

“No, we are Yahudi, Jews.”

“But you believe in Jesus Christ?” comes next, said in a hopeful tone.

Yehoshua, the kinder of us two, says “We believe he was a very great sage and prophet.” I don’t like his answer. This is no time for sugar-coating. “Our prophets tell us that when the messiah comes, there will be no more war. No more this.” I gesture outside, to the empty streets where the soldiers are hunting for the young men throwing stones and burning tires as roadblocks. “You don’t believe he is the Son of God?”

“The Bible says we are all the children of God,” I answer. The man nods, he likes the sentiment, but still looks at us with pity, which I interpret to mean, “Poor fools, without Jesus how can they know salvation?”

And yet, in Ethiopia to be an Israeli is to partake in mythic history. Ethiopian Orthodox Christians see themselves as descendants of Solomon and Sheba, and believe that their church possesses the Ark of the Covenant. For the Amhara, Israel connects back to the Ethiopia of Haile Selassie and the other Solomonic Kings, the Greater Ethiopia they long for. Sometimes their memory fails them. “There has been no democracy here for the past 25 years!” a young man of about 23 tells me, as if before that there was democracy. “Are you joking? I ask him? Do you know what it was like under Mengistu Haile Mariam?” I say, referring to the last Amharic President (for Life) whose reign of terror makes the EPRDF look gentle in comparison. The young man stares at me, blank-faced. Mengistu is ancient history, already forgiven and sentimentalized.
  • ‘Why are you doing this?’ Yehoshua says as they beat the boy over the head
Yehoshua and I venture back onto the streets. A team of soldiers is patrolling. Young men are throwing stones. The soldiers run after them; the boys disappear into the alleyways. I want to film the soldiers, but I am scared; our whiteness protects us as long as we stay out of the soldiers’ way, but “aiming” the camera, “shooting” film in order to show the world — these are military metaphors for a reason. Filming is a hostile act. It’s impossible to get a clear, steady shot with my Samsung J5 without exposing myself to the possibility of a soldier’s gaze. It’s impossible to know how the soldiers will react. Their fingers already at the triggers, they could shoot reflexively, without thinking — a mistake they might regret, but I would already be dead. I hide behind a tree, but a soldier sees me, and gesticulates wildly — he’s coming to grab the camera. A split second before he reaches me, a boy bursts out of an alleyway, with a soldier in hot pursuit; my soldier joins the chase, my camera is saved. The boy is caught: they are beating him on his head with a wooden baton, he tries to break away, but he lurches and stumbles as if drunk, the soldiers catch him and beat him again.

Yehoshua, tall and bearded, has been calmer than me throughout. I am unsure whether this is because he is more spiritually advanced or more foolhardy. Yehoshua walks over to the soldiers and chides them in his upper class British accent: “Why are you doing this?” he says as they beat the boy over the head. “You must stop doing this.” They continue as if he was not there. “Yehoshua,” I say. “Let’s get out of here!”

We walk past a church; it’s packed with mourners who are wailing and dancing in the ecstatic manner of Ethiopian funereal customs; a father holds up photographs of his son, slain that day in the demonstrations. A woman tugs at my shirtsleeve: “This will not end,” she tells me. “They have gone too far.” A man chimes in: “Please, tell the world what is happening. We are being slaughtered.”
  • This is Africa, and nobody cares how many protesters the dictatorial government kills. Not the UN, not the State Department, not Black Lives Matter, and not CNN
I can’t help but think about my homeland. In Israeli politics, I’m center-left. I’m against the occupation, but I don’t believe the situation is Israel’s fault, at least not exclusively. And Israeli soldiers have never fired wholesale into crowds of demonstrators, killing dozens at a time, as Ethiopian troops have. But seeing the soldiers patrolling the shuttered, burning streets, an alien presence hunting stone-throwing boys, their body language as tense as a cocked rifle, I can’t help but think of our own soldiers and the Palestinians. History matters, but it also doesn’t; I know that the Amhara were as bad as or worse than the Tigrayans are now when they controlled Ethiopia. I know the Palestinians have rejected peace on numerous occasions, that the withdrawal from Gaza empowered Hamas. But I also understand: soldiers in neighborhoods where people oppose their presence is a recipe for disaster; the power of the present eclipses historical truth.

And I also think: this is Africa, and nobody cares how many protesters the dictatorial government kills. Not the UN, not the State Department, not Black Lives Matter, and not CNN. At least 50 people were killed in Bahir Dar during the day of protest I describe. Amnesty International estimates that, so far this year 700 people have died in such protests across Ethiopia. Yet until Olympic marathon runner Feyisa Lilesa, an Oromo, crossed the finish line with arms raised in a gesture of protest against his government, the violence in Ethiopia stayed below the radar of nearly all news organizations with the notable exception of Al Jazeera.

“If the general strike continues another day or two, there will be a big explosion,” a dreadlocked young man tells me in the evening. He had gone to the demonstrations with a friend; the friend had been shot to death. “There are a lot of people in this town who are day laborers. They only have money for food if they worked that day. If the protests continue, they’ll start to be desperately hungry; most of them would rather die in a protest than be consumed by hunger. The majority of Ethiopians have not enjoyed the fruits of the country’s economic growth, and anger at the EPRDF government is fueled by the undeniable linkage between economic opportunity and loyalty to the regime. The blend of capitalism and autocratic favoritism is a rich stew nourishing poverty and fury.

It appears that the woman at the funeral was at least partly right: the regime went too –far. The shootings have produced a critical mass of anger and desperation. Since that day in Bahir Dar, in cities and towns across the Amhara region, the population has chased the local administration out of town and installed their own mayors and councils. The homes of officials associated with the government have been set on fire. Flower farms run by foreigners from Holland, Israel, Belgium, Italy and India have been overrun by mobs, their greenhouses ransacked. Thousands of soldiers have been deployed to the Amhara region, but it’s unclear which side the local police will take. The Amhara and the Oromo, where hundreds have also been killed in demonstrations, comprise 60 percent of Ethiopia’s population; the Tigrayans are only six percent. Film of the latest demonstrations, broadcast by opposition groups, show men with rifles shooting into the air — this is a sea-change from Bahir Dar, where the demonstrators were unarmed. Now, six weeks or so later, with dozens more dead and reports of soldiers killed and captured, protestors and the regime seem to be at an eerie stalemate, with the next outbreak of violence sure to come soon. Meanwhile, in Israel last week hundreds of Ethiopian-Israelis demonstrated in front of the US embassy in Tel Aviv, asking for US intervention against the Ethiopian regime’s killing of protestors in the Amhara and Oromo region. Similar demonstrations in front of Ethiopian embassies took place in Washington and Ottowa.

There was an ecstatic element in the protests I witnessed in Bahir Dar, and an ecstasy as well in the anguish of mourning, and a feeling of purpose that at a certain moment becomes contagious. Only two weeks before we arrived in Bahir Dar, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had returned from a triumphant visit to four African countries, including Ethiopia, where he had been lionized with the pomp usually reserved for leaders of superpowers. Israeli businessmen are bullish on Africa: Netanyahu spoke of investments in agriculture as well as cooperation on security. Ethiopia has been a partner in containing the spread of Islamic militants in East Africa, But “security” means training and sometimes arming police and soldiers whose primary function is keeping autocratic regimes in power.

In May 1991 I was in Addis Ababa after the Tigrayan rebels had surrounded the city but before they had entered. The soldiers of the Mengistu regime had raided the army storehouses and were selling everything from rifles to army boots on the street. I had just finished my basic training as an immigrant with the Israeli army, and saw some ex-soldiers selling army boots that looked strikingly similar to the boots we were issued in the IDF. For two dollars, I had a new pair of boots. Only much later did I turn the boots around and see the Hebrew insignia stamped in rubber on the sole: “Israel Defense Forces” — evidence of at least the most basic level of military aid that Israel had provided the reviled Mengistu regime.

If Israel wishes to have boots on the ground in Africa, the protests in Ethiopia should give pause. Security cooperation with dictatorial regimes must be considered carefully, even from a real-politic, if not an ethical, perspective. Without democratization, without policies that put the poorest people first, Africa will continue to slowly, inexorably, explode.

yaballo
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Re: THE END TIMES: In The Twilight Hours, Mengistu Sold the Falasha to Israel for $35 Million; Tigray Officials Selling Bahir Dar to Israeli Bureaucrats

Post by yaballo » 28 Dec 2017, 03:30

Thanks Abdissa.

Jews/Israelis are typical chameleon, self-serving & hypocritical ferenjis, though, the seemingly polite British are even worse. For them, the misused term of 'foreign aid' is nothing more than a price they are prepared to pay to advance their Geo-political interests.

The number of black, brown or yellow people that are massacred, maimed & made refugees is just a 'collateral damage' to them. In a sense, ferenjis use a typical business cost-benefit-analysis to give 'aid' to bloody dictators. But, there are vulnerabilities in this business model too. It takes the bloodying of the nose of a single selato to render it ineffective.

I wish my fellow Ethiopians get bolder like other nationalities in undermining this ferenji business of bribing Ethiopia's genocidal fascist regime, to gain geo-political advantages at the expense of poor & disarmed Ethiopians. :evil:

'Cost-benefit-analysis' - definition.

"A cost-benefit analysis is a process by which business decisions are analyzed. The benefits of a given situation or business-related action are summed, and then the costs associated with taking that action are subtracted".

Dawi
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Re: THE END TIMES: In The Twilight Hours, Mengistu Sold the Falasha to Israel for $35 Million; Tigray Officials Selling Bahir Dar to Israeli Bureaucrats

Post by Dawi » 28 Dec 2017, 14:43

Abdisa wrote:If Israel wishes to have boots on the ground in Africa, the protests in Ethiopia should give pause. Security cooperation with dictatorial regimes must be considered carefully, even from a real-politic, if not an ethical, perspective. Without democratization, without policies that put the poorest people first, Africa will continue to slowly, inexorably, explode.
Abdisa,

You oppose both FDI and food AID to Ethiopia. You're a character! :P

And the Israeli's article is like "The pot calling the kettle black". They get 3.1 billion AID & Ethiopia gets 1.3 billion mostly food aid from the US.

Their hypocrisy is deafening .

The same can be said about them as in the following:

If [US]wishes to have boots on the ground in [Middle East], the protests in [Jerusalem] should give pause. Security cooperation with dictatorial regimes must be considered carefully, even from a real-politic, if not an ethical, perspective. Without democratization, without policies that put the poorest people first, [Middle East] will continue to slowly, inexorably, explode.
Abdisa wrote:
Trump to Cut Aid to Tigray


[Image: https://d.ibtimes.co.uk/en/full/1655908 ... .jpg?w=980]

George H.W. Bush, desperate to win Security Council support for war against Iraq in 1990, bribed Ethiopia, Colombia and Zaire with new aid packages and previously prohibited weapons.

https://www.thenews.com.pk/print/260589 ... antagonism

Zmeselo
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Re: THE END TIMES: In The Twilight Hours, Mengistu Sold the Falasha to Israel for $35 Million; Tigray Officials Selling Bahir Dar to Israeli Bureaucrats

Post by Zmeselo » 28 Dec 2017, 15:54

Dawi, yours is a self defeating argument. If you sincerely believe in their 'hypocricy', then lobby your regime- NOT to sell land to them.


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Quartz.com: Ethiopia’s remarkable education statistics mask a system in crisis

Tom Gardner

December 28, 2017

https://qzprod.files.wordpress.com/2017 ... =all&w=940


Addis Ababa-Thomas Yilma didn’t last a day as a teacher in an Ethiopian government school. After graduating from university he was packed off to a small village in a remote corner of the Ethiopian highlands with scant electricity or phone signal, let alone internet connection, where he was to begin his career. “I felt like I was being abandoned in the middle of nowhere,” he says now. After one restless night he turned around and headed back to the Ethiopian capital, Addis Ababa, leaving the country’s state education sector behind him.

Thomas’s story—extreme though it is—sheds some light on the troubles plaguing Ethiopia’s rapidly expanding school system. Though he eventually found a job in an American-owned private school, this too proved only temporary. After six years he did what many of his colleagues—and thousands of teachers across Ethiopia—so often end up doing, and quit the profession entirely. “I never had any desire to become a teacher,” he says. “You could guess what their lives were like. I wanted to be a doctor or an engineer—like everybody else.”

Few governments in Africa spend as much of their revenues on education as that of Ethiopia. At first sight this is surprising. Education in Ethiopia over the past decade is in some senses a success story. Government statistics are not wholly reliable—the ruling party does a good job of steering clear of most international surveys, making regional comparison difficult—but many of the headline figures are impressive regardless. Few governments in Africa—or elsewhere, for that matter—spend as much of their revenues on education as that of Ethiopia. In a continent which today directs a higher proportion of government expenditure towards the sector than any other—18.4%—Ethiopia has consistently been in the top rank for the past decade. Between 2000 and 2013 it almost doubled the share of its budget allocated to education, from 15% to 27%.

Measured in terms of access to primary education (which is now free), the results are striking. Ethiopia now has one of the highest enrollment rates in Africa, up from the nadir in the early 1990s when it had one of the world’s lowest. The number of primary schools almost tripled from 1996 to 2015, while student enrollment grew from less than 3 million to over 18 million within the same period—almost universal. Youth literacy meanwhile jumped from 34% in 2000 to 52% in 2011.

https://www.theatlas.com/embed/B152YabXz
According to the UN’s Education For All Development Index, which provides a snapshot of the overall progress of national education systems, Ethiopia came second only to Mozambique in terms of size of the improvement over the previous decade, and made fastest progress in terms of expanding universal primary enrolment. Between 2001 and 2008, the number of out-of-school children fell by more than 60%. Compare this to Nigeria, which at the same moment experienced a lost decade: the percentage of children out of school showed no improvement whatsoever by the end of it.

Teacher status

But all this masks a deep-seated malaise. According to the government’s own figures, for every 1,000 children who begin school, around one-half will pass uninterrupted to Grade 5 and only one-fifth to completion of Grade 8. Soaring enrolment at secondary level in Addis Ababa—statistical quirks mean the figure here is actually over 100%—contrasts with less than a tenth in the sparsely populated, largely pastoralist region of Afar, which stretches eastwards towards Eritrea and Djibouti.

Those who do manage to stick it out struggle, consistently under-performing what the curriculum expects of them. According to Belay Hagos, director of educational research at Addis Ababa University, students at various grades are learning on average only 40% of the material they are supposed to master. National Learning Assessments, conducted every four years, reveal a stubborn lack of progress. The average score for a Grade 4 student, for instance, dipped from 41% to 40% between 2010 and 2014, and remains stuck below 50% in all regions except Addis Ababa. Comparing 15-year-old children who correctly answered comparable maths questions in 2009 and 2016, Young Lives, a British charity, also found no overall improvement. “I think the education system is in crisis,” says Alula Pankhurst, (:lol: :lol: I'M SORRY, BUT :lol: :lol: ) the charity’s country director.

Why? Part of the answer lies in Thomas’s story. Ethiopia’s brightest and best don’t want to be teachers, and those that do rarely last long. The country’s teachers were once high status: in the northern region of Tigray, the word itself is a title, used to indicate social respect. But this respect has “declined over time,” says Hagos. The profession has been progressively been de-professionalized, ever since the days of the Marxist regime known as the Derg, during which teachers were either co-opted or purged.

Today, teachers are mostly selected from poor-performing students: those who graduate Grade 10 in the top 30% or so go on to Grade 11; those in the tier below join the police; the rest who pass can go to teacher training college. “This is not a good strategy,” says Hagos. “They can’t be good teachers because weren’t good students in the first place.” His latest research has uncovered what he calls a “professional identity crisis”. 70% of those surveyed reported feeling bad about the profession, while 98% said the pay was too low. “They are teachers but they don’t want to be called teachers,” he says. “They are ashamed of it.”

Language problem

Other problems specific to Ethiopia—beyond the obvious lack of financial resources—are compounding its teaching troubles. An especially tricky one is the country’s federal constitution, which devolves a great deal of education policy to the nine regional governments, in particular language of instruction.

“The transition to English in some regions can be a very, very steep curve.” Even at university level standards can be shockingly poor. Regions tend to choose to educate their children at primary level in the local language, but after that instruction suddenly switches to English—a treacherous passage that few sail through easily. “It’s very worrying,” says Pankhurst. “The transition to English in some regions can be a very, very steep curve.” Even at university level standards can be shockingly poor.

The government knows it has itself in a bind: expanding educational access at such a fast pace was always bound to lead to a dilution in standards. “Ethiopia judiciously picked one route, which was students in rooms and bums on seats,” says Ravi Shankar of Accelerated, a company based in Addis Ababa that is working to improve teaching standards in Ethiopia and elsewhere on the continent. Now the government is making efforts to correct this: teachers wages, for instance, were increased sharply last year, and it has embarked on a large-scale program of skills training for teachers.

But whether it can ever follow in the footsteps of a country like Vietnam—whose single-minded focus on education the government has long sought to emulate—is uncertain. And what if it fails? “A crisis of expectation is a recipe for unrest,” says Pankhurst, noting that the anti-government protests which have swept across much of the country since 2014 were led by students with few prospects and even less hope.


___________________________________________________


Goolgule.com: ኃይለማርያም ከየት ይለቃል? ያልነበረ ፓርላማ ወዴት ይበተናል?

http://www.goolgule.com/author/hakimy/

December 28, 2017

By Editor

ከወራት በፊት የመልቀቂያ ደብዳቤ ያስገባውን አባዱላ ገመዳ የኢህአዴግ ሥራአስፈጻሚ ጥያቄውን አጽድቆለታል ተብሏል። ከዚህ ጋር ተከትሎ በቀጣይ ኃይለማርያም ከ“ሥልጣን” ይወርዳል የሚለው ጉዳይ በስፋት በሁሉም ዓይነት ሚዲያ እየተስተጋባ ነው።

በተያያዘ ወሬ አዲስ አበባ ላይ ያለውና ሰሞኑን በመጠኑ ሥራውን መሥራት የጀመረውን “ፓርላማ” ህወሓት ሊበትነው እያቀደ ነው የሚል መረጃ ተሰምቷል። ከዚህ በተጨማሪም ከትግራይና ሌሎች ታማኝ ክልል/ሎች በስተቀር በክልል የሚገኙ ምክርቤቶችን በሙሉ ህወሓት ሊበትናቸው አሢሯል የሚል መረጃ ባለፉት ጥቂት ቀናት ውስጥ እየተሰማ ነው።

ከገቢ አንጻር የሰበር ዜና ልክፍት የተጠናወተው ሚዲያ ይህ መሰሉን “መረጃ” ሲያስተላልፍ ከመረጃው ጋር ሕዝብ ማወቅ ያለበት ምንድነው የሚለውን ኃላፊነት የዘነጋው ይመስላል። ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ በሟቹ መለስ ተመልምሎ ወደ ሥልጣን መንበር ከቀረበ በኋላ በመለሳዊነት ለመጠመቅ እየተማረ ባለበት ጊዜ ነው “መምህሩ”ን ሞት የቀደመው። መጽሐፉ ተከፍቶ፣ የተጀመረው ምዕራፍ ሳይጠናቀቅ መለስ በማምለጡ ኃይለማርያም እዚያው የተከፈተ ገጽ ላይ ነው ያለው። ለዚህም ይመስላል እንደ ሃይማኖተኛነቱ ለፈጣሪው ዘላለማዊ ክብር መስጠት ሲገባው ለመለስ “ዘላለማዊ ክብር” ሲሰጥ እስካሁን የቆየው።

“ግምገማ!” በተባለው ኢህአዴግ በሚያካሂደው የስድብ ሃይማኖት፤ በተደጋጋሚ ከመስመር የወጡ ከፍተኛ የንቀት ንግግሮች ሲሰነዘሩበት የኖረው ኃይለማርያም ከሁለት ዓመት በፊት በተካሄደው ግምገማ፤ “ብቃት የለህም” ተብሎ አሁን በዝግ እየተካሄደ ባለ ዓይነት ስብሰባ ላይ ተሰድቧል። እርሱም በምላሹ፤ መጽሐፍ ማንበብ አልወድም፤ ዕቅድ ማዘጋጀት አልችልበትም፤ ለውጥ ማድረግ ያቅተኛል፤ … በማለት ውንጀላውን አምኗል።

በዚህ ዓይነት የውርደት ህይወት የሌለውን ሥልጣን ይዞ የቆየ ሰው ከሌለው ሥልጣን ላይ ይወርዳል ብሎ በዘገባነት ማጠናቀር ህወሓትን እንደ ኅብረብሔራዊ ድርጅት ቆጥሮ ሥልጣኑን በሐቅ አጋርቷ ብሎ ከማመን ተለይቶ የሚታይ አይደለም። ህወሓት ኃይለማርያምን ለማንሳት ቢሞክር ወይም ቢያስነሳው አሁን ባለው የፖለቲካ ሂደት ላይ የሚያመጣው ፋይዳ የበረታ አይመስለንም። ምናልባት በደኢህዴን ውስጥ ያለው ተገዢነት በተለይ የኃይለማርያም “መዘምራን” ላይ መጠነኛ ለውጥ ሊያመጣ ይችል ይሆናል። ኃይለማርያም ገና ከጅምሩ አገሪቱ (እንደ ማኅበር) በኅበረት አስተዳደር (“ኮሌክቲቭ ሊደርሺፕ”) ትመራለች በማለት ጠ/ሚሩ ይዞት የነበረውን ሥልጣን ሁሉ በክላስተር ሸንሽኖ ራሱን ሥልጣን አልባ አድርጎ የተቀመጠ ነው። አሁን ከሌለው ሥልጣን ሊወርድ የሚችልበት ምክንያት አይታየንም።

ሥልጣን አልባው “ፓርላማ”ም ሆነ የክልል ምክርቤቶች የተባሉት ከሌላቸው የሕዝብ ተወካይነትም ሆነ “ሥልጣን” በህወሓት ይበተናሉ ማለት በፊት ህወሓት በአሳታፊ ፖለቲካ ያምናል፤ የሕዝብ ውክልና በህወሓት የአገዛዝ ዘመን ነበር ብሎ ካድሬያዊ ዲስኩር ከመስጠት የተለየ አይሆንም። አተነፋፈሱ ብቻ ሳይሆን ሳንባውም በህወሓት የተገጠመለት “ፓርላማ” ሰሞኑን መጠነኛ ጥያቄዎች ሲያቀርብ በመሰማቱ “ሰበር ዜና” መሆኑ ምን ያህል ነው ቁልቁል የወረድነው ብለን ራሳችንን እንድንጠይቅ የሚያስገድድ ነው እንላለን። ሚዲያው እዚህ ላይ ቆም ብሎ ራሱን ወሬ ተኮር ነኝ፣ “ክሊክ” ተኮር ነኝ ወይስ አጀንዳ ተኮር ነኝ ብሎ እንዲጠይቅ ሳንጠቁም አናልፍም።

ስለዚህ የሚናገረው፣ የሚወስነው፣ የሚያስበው እየተመጠነ፣ እየተሰፈረ ሲሰጠው የነበረው ኃይለማርያም “ከሥልጣን ይወርዳል” ማለት ህወሓትን ዴሞክራሲያዊ ማድረግ ይመስለናል። ከሌሎች አገራት ፓርላማዎች ጋር በእኩል ስያሜ የመጠራት ብቃት የሌለው የኢህአዴግ ሸንጎ (ፓርላማ) እና የክልል ምክርቤቶች ይበተናል (“ዲዞልቭ” ይደረጋል) ማለት እንደ አገር የሌለንን አለን በማለት ለህወሓት/ኢህአዴግ ክብር መስጠት ነው።

ሕዝባዊው እንቅስቃሴ የህወሓት አፈና፣ ጥርነፋ አልበግረው ብሎ እዚህ ደርሷል። ከዚህ በፊት እንደዘገብነው የህወሓት የገጠር መዋቅር ፈርሷል፤ ትውልድ አምጿል፤ በቃኝ ብሏል። ከዚህ በኋላ በድጋሚ የሚወጣ የአስቸኳይ ጊዜ አዋጅ አይሠራም። በጥልቅ መታደስ ያመጣው “ውጤት” በጥልቀት መበስበስ ነው። ከዚህ በኋላ ኃይለማርያም ከሌለው ሥልጣን ቢወርድ፣ “ፓርላማ”ው ቢበተን የሚያመጣው ፋይዳ የለም። ስለዚህ ሚዲያው ከክሊክ ተኮርነት ወጣ ብሎ ከስሜትና ከምናባዊ አስተሳሰቡ ነቅቶ አጀንዳ የማስያዝ ሥራ ላይ ቢጠመድ ለአገር የሚበጅ ይመስለናል። ሕዝብ በቃኝ ብሏል፤ ትውልድ አምጿል!

Dawi
Member
Posts: 1745
Joined: 30 Aug 2016, 03:47

Re: THE END TIMES: In The Twilight Hours, Mengistu Sold the Falasha to Israel for $35 Million; Tigray Officials Selling Bahir Dar to Israeli Bureaucrats

Post by Dawi » 28 Dec 2017, 21:22

Zmeselo wrote:Dawi, yours is a self defeating argument. If you sincerely believe in their 'hypocricy', then lobby your regime- NOT to sell land to them.
Z,

This is like a long time ago, when some folks in Addis Ababa demonstrating in the streets carrying slogans that said, "Eritrea is not for sale"! "Eritrea is not for sale"! marching all over town.

The story goes to say, some wise business people who happen to be connected to Horus in this forum, who were obvserbing the spectacle didn't get the point of it all and asked the crowd, "Why isn't Eritrea for sale"? AND "How much is she worth anyway"? :P

The moral of the story is, how much do the Israeli''s want to spend in Bahir Dar? What do they want to do? As it is close to Tana/GERD, we know the Israelis are good in keeping the Chauvinists of the Middle East at bay and kick their A*** good when necessary and so on & so forth. Can we pick some pointers from them? A thing or 2 of their know how? That is what goes on in Woyane's mind. Trust me!

Then, we can figure out "to Sale, or not to Sale; that's the question!"? Do you get my drift?

It is already known that who ever signs a "Woyane made Real Estate Deal" in Ethiopia, as your freind Prof. Al testified many times,is going to the cleaners! bamboozled, scammed, played for the [deleted] he is and so on. Right?

The Prof. tells us the story of a man named Kuaraturi,who bought land the size of Belgium from Woyane, was finally taken to the poor house! I don't like to talk about it but, there was also another man, by the name Isaias who went to Algeria, signed a deal of "no war no peace" for life; now, he is UN sanctioned for life......poor man!. :P

So what Ethiopian in the right mind will be afraid of anybody signing a "Woyane's written agreement" on any kind of real estate deal after that story? You tell me!

I shall sleep tight every night! That is for sure.
Zmeselo wrote:ኃይለማርያም ደሳለኝ በሟቹ መለስ ተመልምሎ ወደ ሥልጣን መንበር ከቀረበ በኋላ በመለሳዊነት ለመጠመቅ እየተማረ ባለበት ጊዜ ነው “መምህሩ”ን ሞት የቀደመው። መጽሐፉ ተከፍቶ፣ የተጀመረው ምዕራፍ ሳይጠናቀቅ መለስ በማምለጡ ኃይለማርያም እዚያው የተከፈተ ገጽ ላይ ነው ያለው።
ምን ለማለት ነው? ምንድነው የምታወሩት?

የመለስ ራእይ ለአስራ አምስት ዓመት በአውቶ ፓይለት ላይ የተተወ እንደሆነ ማንም የሚያውቀው ነገር ነው ። 8) ..........ግን ማንበብና መፃፍ ለሚወድ ሰው ተብሎ ነው አሠራሩ የተቃኘው ፤ ታዲያ ያን የማይወድ ሰው ካለ ወንበሩን ለሚያነቡ ለቀቅ ማድረግ የአባት ነው ። እንግዲህ ሂሳቡን ስናሰላው የመለስ ሞት 1912 ላይ 15 ዐመት ስንጨምር እስከ 1927 ችግር የሚባል ነገር እንጅሩ ማለት ነው ፤ እንደኔ እንደኔ ሐ/ማሪያም ቆፍጠን ብሎ ራእዩን ቢለበልበውና ከዛሬው ሁኔታ ጋራ ቢያጣጥመው መልካም ነው ፣ ለዚያ ደግሞ ለማ መገርሳም ቢሆን ይረዳዋል (that dude has the hang of it!) ከዚያ ሂድ እንግዲህ ማለት ነው ፣ የሰው አደራም አይበላም ፣ የተከበረ ሌጋሲም ይኖረዋል ፤ በራሱም እንደኮራ ይኖራል ባይ ነኝ ።

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